903-A-823 Conflict and Contraception in Colombia Signe Svallfors, Sunnee Billlingsley, Stockholm University We explore the effect of armed conflict on modern contraceptive use in Colombia, using data from the Uppsala Peace and Conflict Georeferenced Event Data and the Colombian Demographic and Health Surveys from 2000, 2005 and 200. The results showed that women in departments where conflict had occurred recently had significantly higher odds of using modern contraception on average than women in non-conflict areas. Women are likely more careful to avoid unwanted pregnancy because of increased impoverishment, insecurity, and emotional and physical stress of armed conflict. Conflict may also have reduced or more firmly decided their demand for children. We find that this average relationship was driven by the experience of women in rural areas where conflict had recently occurred. We interpret this location-specific finding to reflect less access to safe abortion and postabortion care in rural areas in Colombia.
90-A-823 The ideological and structural origins of the antiglobalisation ideology Ian Parenteau, Collège militaire royal de Saint-Jean The antiglobalisation movement suddenly emerge on the scene of collective action in the late 990s. As the bearers of a new social criticism, its activists denounce economic globalization for the negative consequences it entails. Supportive of a globalist perspective, they subscribe to a world vision which is based on two main ideas. They first assume that the world, the entire population of the planet, is now one and the same community. As a consequence, they are persuaded that other collective subjects, nations and social classes are outdated. Second, they proclaim obsolete national politics. Globalization has reduced political authority to such an extent that it can no longer act as a mediating mechanism, let alone play a role in the struggle for global justice. Antiglobalisation derives its origins from two conditions. First, the end of the Cold War constitutes the ideological condition of its emergence: it was born in the context where the ideological foundations of the left had fissured and its support had waned. Secondly, the cosmopolitan ideal that its members bear, found with the Internet the opportunity to blur the virtual world and reality. This means of communication acted as the structural condition for the emergence of antiglobalisation.
976-A-823 The logic of influence and the logic of presence: Digital advocacy for workers rights in Sweden Gabriella Scaramuzzino, Håkan Johansson, Lund University This paper deals with political action in the digital era by exploring the changing logics of advocacy by focusing on actors advocating for workers rights in Sweden. A growing body of research highlights how social media, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube and blogs, offer new platforms for advocacy. While previous research has mostly focused on specific advocacy strategies, either lobbying, media communication or protest, this paper compares three different forms of advocacy: digital access politics, digital information politics and digital protest politics. The study draws on an internet-based study of a trade union for industrial workers and of the sex workers rights movement, complemented by qualitative interviews with key actors. As such, the paper compares incumbent and challenger groups as they do not have the same opportunities to be heard by politicians, in media and in the public debate and use different action repertoires. The results suggest that social media are primarily used for information politics as social media seem better designed for influencing public opinion than individual decision-makers directly. To understand digital advocacy we argue for the need to distinguish between a logic of influence and a logic of presence.
996-A-823 Local conflicts, but transnational foci? Ukrainian and Russian organizations in Sweden and the conflict back home Sofiya Voytiv, Stockholm University The paper investigates whether the current armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine may have had any reflection during 203-206 in the interorganizational social networks of Ukrainian and Russian organizations active in Sweden. I suggest that the conflict in Eastern Ukraine might have become a focus of activity during its most violent periods according to which the organizations build patterns of interaction and sentiments towards each other. I use Exponential Random Graph models to account for the probabilities of Ukrainian, Russian and other organizations to send ties to each other depending on both the network structure and individual attributes, such as ethnic self-identification and the choice of a side to support in the conflict during the period 204-206. Results show that the side that an organization supports in the conflict is a significant attribute in the models for years 204-206. More specifically, I find that pro-ukrainian organizations tended to connect mostly to other pro-ukrainian organizations in 205, indicating some levels of homophily and clustering along the conflict lines. The results also suggest that it is the support for a certain side in the conflict and not ethnic self-identification that drives the homophily and clustering of the networks.
998-A-823 Ontology and representation in trade union research Staffan Edling, Lunds universitet The major trade unions in Sweden have research departments that gather statistics and other information on issues related to their members, for internal use and for external dissemination in reports. This presentation is of a master s thesis studying how one such trade union, Kommunal, investigates the question of temporary employment. Reports from the last several years have been compared from a sociology of science perspective as a development over time, along with interviews of the authors of the reports and other material of relevance to their production. The study shows how the concepts of precarious employment and precariat gradually move from a peripheral position in the reports to a central one, and how heterogeneous actors and resources are assembled to produce precariously employed Kommunal members as a group with political interests and relationships to other actors. Questions of ontology are of central concern, both in relation to the trade union s research and, reflexively, in relation to the study itself.
027-A-823 Neo-authoritarianism New Political Forms of Engagement. The Polish Case Maciej Gdula, University of Warsaw The successes of right-wing parties and leaders in the Euro-Atlantic world are justly interpreted as a symptom of profound changes in the system of liberal democracy. A look at Poland, where for two years, the right-wing Law and Justice party of Jaroslaw Kaczynski has been challenging the rule of liberal democracy is forcing other answers than those coming from economic tensions as Poland was economically prosperous for the last decade. Explanations of this phenomenon were sought in a small town in central Poland, where the study with the representatives of the popular and middle class was conducted. The collected material allowed to propose the thesis about a political phenomenon that I propose to call neo-authoritarianism. Neo-authoritarianism brings together the representatives of various classes, promising the punishment of establishment, creation of a proud national community, and giving the sense of power both in front of elites and weak groups such as refugees. Very important for neo-authoritarianism are the relationships in which the audience gets with the political leader and his political drama, in which the audience participates in various roles - the victim, the proud member of the national community or the man of moral principles.
029-A-823 Understanding anti-muslim attitudes in a national context Astrid Rambøl, University of Oslo In the growing far right landscape in Europe, several actors are promoting hostile anti-muslim attitudes, condemning all Muslims as a major threat to society. A variety of theoretical explanations of anti-muslim attitudes have been presented in both academic and public debate, ranging from economic deprivation to having an authoritarian leaning personality. However, the empirical work in this field is still unsatisfactory, both qualitatively and quantitatively. This paper is based on in-depth interviews with Norwegians with anti-muslim attitudes. Although an international flux of Islamophobia exists, it must be understood in a local and national context. With the terror-attack July 22 as a major exception, Norway has experienced moderate amounts of right-wing violence. Still, it is interesting to examine the worldview of those expressing, in a Norwegian context, a rather unpopular attitude. Following a classical sociological approach, this study sets out to link structures and actors, examining how among others political institutions, media landscape, work life, gender roles and class structures influence and shape anti-muslim attitudes. Both a Marxist and a Bourdieuian approach to class is included, and Michèle Lamont s work on boundaries is central to the analysis.
045-A-823 Postdemocracy and Populism: a Case Study of The Way of Courage Political Party in Lithuania Karolis Jonutis, Vilnius University Populism has often been described as one of the greatest threats to XXI century European democracies. Critical examination of this situation rises two related questions: to what extent are national democracies in European Union still democratic and how such ideologically ambiguous phenomenon as populism could be conceptualized in this context. In my paper, I relate populist surge to postdemocratic condition the depolitizing practices of modern technocratic policy-making described by Chantall Mouffe, Jacques Ranciere and Slavoj Žižek. My main argument is that proper politics cannot be reduced to social administration and that the ideological nivelation of traditional parties will necessarily bring new more radical political actors able to awake political imagination of masses. To conceptualize populism I use Ernesto Laclau s discursive theory of populism, which is anti-descriptivist in that it does not seek to find some intrinsic characteristics of populism, but rather to define it as logic of political mobilization of various political movements by their common reference to the people. As an illustration of fertility of this approach combination of descriptive postdemocratic analysis and formalist conceptualization of populism in political research, I present the case study of Lithuanian political party The Way of Courage as nearly ideal typical example of populist mobilization under postdemocratic conditions.
082-A-823 Om social organisering inom akademin i fallet #akademiuppropet Lisa Salmonsson, Örebro University I denna presentation vill jag dra på erfarenheterna av #akademiuppropet i ett försök att tänka på vad dessa upprop är en del av. I fallet akademiuppropet skapades en hemlig grupp och kvinnliga vänner i akademin lades till. Med posten Tack för att ni är med och bryter tystnaden öppnades ett lock. Vi hoppades skulle bli några stycken. Vi blev 9000. Vittnesmål från utsatta kvinnor inom akademin började komma in och många fler än de direkt utsatta kvinnorna som arbetade, hade arbetat eller varit studenter i akademin ville vara med och diskutera sexuella trakasserier och sexism inom akademin och vad som behövde göras. Vänner, bekanta inom akademin hörde av sig och frågade om de kunde hjälp till på något sätt. Tills slut var vi 8 personer i admingruppen och vi fokuserade på att godkänna nya medlemsförfrågningar. Först var vi restriktiva. Googlade och försökte se om de var anställda inom akademin. Tillsammans tog vi beslut om hur vi skulle gå vidare, vad vi skulle heta, vem som skulle få vara med, var vi ville publicera och vem som skulle göra vad allt efter att gruppen ökade i medlemsantal. Nu är gruppen stäng och uppropet ute. Så här i efterhand har jag funderat en del kring vad vi ska se detta upprop som och vilken grad av organisering som finns i detta upprop och hur vi ska förstå de olika uppropen utifrån ett organiseringsperspektiv och det är detta som jag vill reflektera kring i detta paper. Vad händer nu? Vad var det som vi startade? Ett nätverk av kvinnor, en politik rörelse eller en partiell organisation?
099-A-823 Civic engagement and participation in the counter-public sphere Imad Rasan, Lund University Civic engagement is one of the essential avenues to participate in the public and counter-sphere. This vital avenue may be considered as safe haven for marginalized groups, dissents and excluded people from politics under the authoritarian regime. Women are of those who find out that, engaging in civic activities is not only a matter of improving society and self-actualization; rather, it is a kind of exercising citizenship through participating in an alternative counter-public sphere. Civic engagement has different faces and ways of participating like participating in mediated and unmediated counter-public spheres. This paper shows three different forms of women s civic engagement and participation in counter-public spheres in Egypt that are: engaging in antiharassment organizations; drawing graffiti art on the walls; and participating in Muslim youth organization. Based on interviews and observation, the inquiry focuses on women s collectivity and visibility in the counter-public sphere. For the former, the investigation implies the process through which the women, as potential participants and activists, become part in counter-public and step in a counter-public sphere. For the latter, the investigation implies how this participation pretended in the counter-public sphere through being visible in the forms of voice and appearance.
00-A-823 Mellan kontemplativ mobilisering och intresseorganisering - Nedslag i den historiska rörelsen för kollaborativ produktion Sebastian Svenberg, Örebro Universitet Kollaborativ ekonomi som ett samtida fenomen är i sak besläktat med de sociala rörelser som historiskt verkat för olika former av kooperativ verksamhet. Idag liksom historiskt präglas dessa alternativa produktionsformer av såväl utopiska förhoppningar som av intressekonflikter. I syfte att fördjupa förståelsen av kollaborativ produktion som ett historiskt och samtida rörelsefenomen undersöker jag i denna text historiska fall av mobilisering för kollaborativ produktion och ekonomisk demokrati. I den Brittiska kooperativa rörelsen samt i rörelsen för Gillesocialism finns en spänning mellan den altruistiska grundtonen och formuleringarna av sociala konflikter och avgränsade intressen. Genom läsningar av rörelsetidskrifter undersöker jag denna spänning såsom den tar sig uttryck i rörelsens kommunikation, organisering och debatt. Kontemplativ utopisk mobilisering står i kontrast till intresseorganisering utifrån professionsavgränsningar, relationen producent/konsument samt kvinnors/mäns arbete. I mobiliseringen för ekonomisk demokrati blir denna spänning också påtaglig i att det demokratiska politiska idealet möter upprätthållandet av separerade samhälleliga sfärer, karaktäristiskt såväl för den borgerliga ekonomiska ordningen som för fackföreningsrörelsen. Gillesocialismens organisering för ett överskridande av sådana sfärer formas i ömsom dialog och kontrovers med fackföreningsrörelsens intresseorganisering.
25-A-823 Kontextualisering av anarkiströrelsen kring millennieskiftet Hedvig Ekerwald, Uppsala University Unga anarkister utvecklade en social rörelse som växte under hela 990-talet. Höjdpunkten vad gäller storleken på demonstrationer ledda av anarkister inträffade på toppmötet i Göteborg i juni 200. De våldsamheter som demonstrationerna urartade i utgjorde en vändpunkt och därefter har rörelsen minskat i styrka. Vilken politik hade de unga anarkisterna under perioden 990-200, vilka konsekvenser fick den politiken samhälleligt och för ungdomarna och varför drogs så många ungdomar till anarkismen just under 990-talet? I en strävan att ge makrosociologiska utkast till svar på dessa frågor, kontextualiseras här den anarkistiska rörelsen i Sverige kring millennieskiftet både historiskt och geografiskt. Analysen bygger på historiska dokument såsom statliga utredningar och olika organisationers hemsidor samt på egen och andras forskning om unga anarkister. Den använder sig av teorier om sociala rörelser och teorier om emotioner.
72-A-823 Sociala konstruktioner av ätbara djur Josefin Velander, Karlstads universitet Andra djur har en central roll i människors vardagsliv och samhället i stort, bl.a. som sällskap och familjemedlemmar men även som mat för konsumtion. Under de senaste decennierna har storskalig livsmedelsproduktion med andra djur som lever sina liv i fabriksliknande förhållanden vuxit sig allt större. Att måna om de andra djurens välfärd och välbefinnande uttrycks som en samhällsnorm samtidigt som djurproduktionen i Sverige blivit alltmer rationaliserad. De andra djurens intressen och välfärd ställs ofta emot ekonomiska intressen hos producenter eller mänskliga intressen av billigt kött. Synen på vad som är etiskt acceptabel behandling av olika arter konstrueras utifrån ett kontinuum av ätbarhet och skyddsvärdhet. Många av de samhällsdebatter som förs kring köttkonsumtion utifrån miljö- och hälsoperspektiv präglas även av synen på andra djur. Det finns en stor variation i hur andra djur framställs som säger något om vår samtid. Hur andra djur konstrueras av olika aktörer speglar en politisk kontext. Syftet är att undersöka hur konstruktioner av djur och etik används politiskt inom olika samhällsområden och hur detta är relaterat till synen på ätbarhet och skyddsvärdhet.
74-A-823 Perception of influence among civil society leaders Roberto Scaramuzzino, Lund University The paper explores the perception of influence of civil society leaders and draws on a survey study conducted in 207 among elected and recruited leaders of civil society organizations that are engaged in migration and integration issues (N. 40) in Sweden. Civil society leaders are entrusted with the task of representing organizations which are often based on and guided by religious, political or cultural values. The organizations are expected to represent the target group and advocate for their rights, to provide services and to create spaces for community and engagement. They often strive to achieve some sort of social change. To exercise influence on society is hence a crucial feature of civil society leaders. The analysis shows that two of three leaders perceive they have great influence in society concerning the issues with which they work. Drawing on elite-theories, the paper explores what explains differences in perception of influence by looking at three sets of factors: ) personal qualities and resources such as age, gender, country of birth, education and working experiences, 2) social networks and contacts with representatives of different institutions (media, government etc.), and 3) organizational position and resources including relations with public authorities and with the members.
205-A-823 Digital Social Movement Scenes (Or What on Earth Is Anonymous a Case Of?) Philip Creswell, Uppsala University Anonymous is notoriously difficult to define. The network or group (or whatever) has been described as a loose collective of anarchists, loose group of Internet denizens, nebulous collective, hacker network, vigilantes, e-bandits, and even so plainly as online activists. Some have argued that Anonymous is an example of new forms of organization and activism. In this paper, I use evidence taken from three years of participant observation to argue that Anonymous is a digital social movement scene. I show that the Anonymous scene with its roots in the epicenter of subcultural trolling known as 4chan is part of a broader imageboard scene that has had outsized influence in the modern politics and culture of the Internet, and which has served as the seedbed for several high profile online social movements. The understanding of Anonymous as a part of a scene clarifies what Anonymous is a case of, how it is not so novel, and how it and other similar movements can be studied. I also develop the concept of a digital scenes, which can be used to understand the way in which ostensibly non-political websites have led to some of the most characteristic collective action online in the digital age.
208-A-823 De-radicalizing radical left-libertarian movements? Magnus Wennerhag, Jan Jämte, Örebro University In 204, the Swedish government appointed a national coordinator for protecting democracy against violent extremism. The goal was to promote interventions at the local level, preventing individuals from becoming radicalized, and to offer exit programmes for those participating in violent extremism. The de-radicalization efforts are often carried out locally, by social workers, teachers, police, and civil society actors. This paper explores the effects of de-radicalization measures on one specific movement milieu: radical left-libertarian (or extreme left) groups. As these groups themselves generally claims to radicalize prevailing democratic and egalitarian ideals, they provide a suitable case for scrutinizing whether de-radicalization measures might come in conflict with other state policies, such as the mission to promote equality, democratic values, free speech and critical thinking, or the encouragement into civil society engagement. Through the analysis of interviews with movement activists and street level bureaucrats involved in local de-radicalization efforts, we ask how these measures have been perceived in action. Regarding activists, we investigate how these measures have affected their patterns of mobilization and their trust in political institutions and democracy. Regarding civil servants, we investigate how they perceive and deal with potentially conflictive objectives between crime prevention and other societal goals.
2-A-823 The Radical Left-Libertarian Movement in Sweden 997 206: Change, continuity and conflict Magnus Wennerhag, Jan Jämte, Måns Lundstedt, Södertörn University/Örebro University/Scuola Normale Superiore This paper explores how the collective identity and the political strategies of the Radical Left-Libertarian Movement (RLLM) in Sweden consisting of anarchists, autonomists, anarcho-syndicalists, and libertarian socialists has been affected by both changes in the movement s political opportunities and internal ideational developments. This is investigated both through an analysis of how patterns of movement mobilizations change, and an analysis of the activists collective action frames and selfperceptions. The paper traces the main currents, internal disputes and external conflicts related to the movement s framing of important societal tensions and its main goals and strategies. The empirical basis for the analysis is semi-structured interviews with approximately 30 activists and a protest event dataset covering around 4,000 protest events announced and reported in the movement s own media 997 206.
238-A-823 Ungdomars politiska diskussion i sociala medier: hellre offline? Nils Gustafsson, Elin Fjellman, Malena Rosen-Sundström, Lunds universitet I den här studien undersöker vi mekanismer bakom att även politiskt intresserade och aktiva ungdomar avstår från att delta i politiska diskussioner i sociala medier för att istället välja andra former för engagemang, medan andra aktivt omfamnar detta. Vi visar hur detta kan kopplas till reaktioner på social kontroll, strategiska överväganden, samt förhållningssätt till den egna identiteten. Studien bygger på analyser av intervjuer med 0 svenska ungdomar i åldrarna 6 25 år: dels 50 intervjuer med medlemmar av politiska ungdomsförbund och andra åsiktsrivna föreningar, dels fokusgruppintervjuer med 60 ungdomar med skiftande bakgrund. Inom deltagandeforskningen har sociala medier välkomnats som ett medium som sänker trösklarna för politiskt engagemang och också påverkar existerande politiska organisationer. Det finns dock forskning som visar att olika hinder för att delta kvarstår, samtidigt som nya uppkommer. Medan tröskeltänkandet har hämtat sin argumentation från resursmodellen (Verba et al 995) och från incitamentsmodellen (Cialdini 2009), har man inom socialpsykologin försökt att använda sig av personlighetsdrag för att förklara deltagande (Klandermans & van Stekelenburg, 203). Vi utgår från att en kombination av strukturella och individuella faktorer som tar hänsyn till gränssnitten för olika plattformar bäst kan förklara politiskt deltagande i sociala medier. I den här studien undersöker vi mekanismer bakom att även politiskt intresserade och aktiva ungdomar avstår från att delta i politiska diskussioner i sociala medier för att istället välja andra former för engagemang, medan andra aktivt omfamnar detta. Vi visar hur detta kan kopplas till reaktioner på social kontroll, strategiska överväganden, samt förhållningssätt till den egna identiteten. Studien bygger på analyser av intervjuer med 0 svenska ungdomar i åldrarna 6 25 år: dels 50 intervjuer med medlemmar av politiska ungdomsförbund och andra åsiktsrivna föreningar, dels fokusgruppintervjuer med 60 ungdomar med skiftande bakgrund. Inom deltagandeforskningen har sociala medier välkomnats som ett medium som sänker trösklarna för politiskt engagemang och också påverkar existerande politiska organisationer. Det finns dock forskning som visar att olika hinder för att delta kvarstår, samtidigt som nya uppkommer. Medan tröskeltänkandet har hämtat sin argumentation från resursmodellen (Verba et al 995) och från incitamentsmodellen (Cialdini 2009), har man inom socialpsykologin försökt att använda sig av personlighetsdrag för att förklara deltagande (Klandermans & van Stekelenburg, 203). Vi utgår från att en kombination av strukturella och individuella faktorer som tar hänsyn till gränssnitten för olika plattformar bäst kan förklara politiskt deltagande i sociala medier.