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1 HUwww.jewish-eden.seUH EDEN Judisk-skandinavisk Kultur & Sällskapsklubb, för alla Idéell förening sedan mer än 12 år. adam V chava - Judisk-skandinavisk Kultur & Vänskapsklubb, judiska singlar c/o Sigvard Aronsohn 6BHerrestadsgatan 9A, SE MALMÖ 7BSverige/Sweden Tel +46(0) B UH Plusgiro: adam V chava (gäller inbet.eden också) Inbetalningar fra Danmark til DANSKE BANK konto nr adam V chava (også for EDEN) Nyhetsbrev nr. 48, Maj-Juni Lösnummerpris SEK/DKK 40 Ingår i medlemsavgiften/kontingenten Använd våra fredsbrevmärken för ISRAEL! Fredsmuggen för Israel! Se hemsidan! Köp filmen nu: EDEN Israel Träff- Debattprogram nr. 11, om Jerusalem och Judisk Trygghet i Ørestadområdet. Hjälp oss att producera den kommande Video Report Israel no. 2! Filmen som visar biståndsprojekt i Israel, som vi i Sverige är med om genom våra bidrag till: FÖRENADE ISRAELINSAMLINGEN/ KHY, MAGEN DAVID ADOM, KEREN KAJEMET. Genom att beställa och betala filmen nu, kr. 200 och helst betala medlemsavgiften 2010:2 Kr. 200 för dig eller hela familjen, får du köpa EDEN Video Report Israel no.1 för kr. 75! Normalpris kr. 150, den är intervjuer på gatan i Israel om President Obama s fredspaket. Gör din inbetalning till Plusgiro kontonamn adam V chava NU! Innehåll bl.a.: Insidan, Israel and the Road to Peace, Mail News Israel, Chanut EDEN produkter för Israel, Saxat & Aktuellt, Program-nöjesguide, Kultur-Kassan EDEN, Filmen EDEN Israel Träff, Debattprogram nr. 11. mm. m.m.

2 eller 4BMaj-Juni BHej! Välkommen till en ny sommar-säsong med EDEN eller med adam V chava! Vi försöker att skapa ett smörgåsbord med judiska/israeliska program, skandinaviskt och vi vill gärna se det som ett Knytkalas där Du eller Din familj också har möjlighet att vara aktiv! Du kan vara med om EDEN Party eller EDEN Träff o Debatt, HEMMA HOS-Träffar, det judisk- skandinaviska konstprojektet för alla: EDEN Scandinavian artmoney Projekt. Vår nya debatt-idé debatt-o-bingo erbjuds till alla judiska föreningar, i samarbete med EDEN. Vi har skapat vår Nöjesguide för att Du och familjen skall kunna uppleva intressanta judiska program i Sverige och Danmark! Nyhet: Kultur-Kassan EDEN, var med och bygg upp ett bättre utbud av judiska / israeliska program för 3,50 kronor om dagen. Vi judar måste bli bättre på att komma till program o aktiviteter för Israel! Skaffa dig våra unika filmer från våra Debatt-program! Om det fattas något program så får Du höra av Dig! Du vet väl att vi är den enda Judiska klubbverkverksamheten som är aktiv skandinaviskt hela året! Vi försöker skapa verksamhet skandinaviskt och ökar hela tiden vårt kontaktnät! I EDEN kan alla vara med! Att träffa en judisk vän för livet är säkert mångas dröm men det blir inte alltid så för vi är inte så många i varandras närhet. Genom att familjen blir medlem i EDEN eller Du som judisk singel blir medlem i adam V chava, hjälper Du både Dig själv och oss att nå Dina eller familjens drömmar och våra mål! Kom med i vårt skandinaviska BED & BREAKFAST-utbyte och gör det lättare att resa runt i Skandinavien judiskt! Bli medlem i EDEN - Judisk Skandinavisk Kultur & Sällskapsklubb, för alla! Medlemsavgiften för EDEN är låga 200 kronor per halvår för hela familjen! Betala nu för 2010:2! Vi tar tacksamt emot alla gåvor! Du som är judisk företagare eller sympatiserar med Israel, är välkommen att annonsera i våra skandinaviska Nyhetsbrev! Välkommen som sponsor till visst program! Saknar Du eller familjen något visst program eller aktivitet?! Vi hjälper till att fixa program i vårt namn, i Din stad, med Din eller familjens hjälp! Jag hoppas att många skall få nya judiska vänner genom EDEN och att du som är singel skall träffa en vän att leva med, genom adam V chava! Varför vara ensam när man kan ha trevligt tillsammans! Under våra 12 år har vi speciellt noterat alla försök till fred för Israel under rubriken: Israel and the Road to Peace.Stora värden har förstörts, senast i Gaza-kriget. Många palestinier och israeler har blivit fattiga och kan inte försörja sig själva. Hatet mot judar/israeler som lärs ut i palestinska skolor och genom palestinska massmedia kommer att försvåra för israeler och palestinier att snabbt nå en hållbar fred, kanske är freden en verklighet inom 3-5 år. Kan Hamas sluta med sin terrorverksamhet och bli en förhandlingspart?! Kan kärnvapenhotet från Iran stoppas? Vågar Israel lämna Golan i fredsuppgörelse med Syrien? Abbas och hans regering är positiva till fred med Israel i samtal med väst, inte i egna media! Israel har utsatts för en politisk fälla: Goldstone-Rapporten, som manipulerats! Är Netanyahu rätt politiker att föra Israel mot trygghet och fred? Blir Jerusalem en fredsgåva?! Utan Israel s hjälp kan inte palestinierna få en egen stat! Obama kräver av Israel medverkan till en palestinsk stat inom 2 år! Är Fatah, Mahmood Abbas redo för fred nu? Samarbete med Egypten,FN och PLO för en varaktig fred i Gaza, med försvagat Hamas? Blir Västbanken ett nytt Gaza, Hamas terror?! Vill Du arbeta med mig för att göra det lättare för familjer och singlar att träffas i Skandinavien? Är Du intresserad av att marknadsföra EDEN?! Vill Du vara med om att genomföra program som erbjuder: Judiska Nöjen Judisk Gemenskap Aktiva Judiska Kulturupplevelser o aktivt Israelstöd?! Du som kan svara JA på mina frågor, ring mig NU! Det kan finnas en plats i den kommande styrelsen. Sänd mail till UH 0BMed hjärtlig hälsning o önskan om en trevlig sommar! För EDEN och adam V chava Familj el. singel som betalar medlemsavgiften nu Sigvard Sigge Aronsohn får. som medlemsförmåner: Presentkort, 10% Ordförande-judisk kulturarbetare rabatt på Fredsmuggen Peace Cup Israel, rabatt på filmer, m.fl. rabatter!.

3 Palestine Betrayed by Efraim Karsh Yale, 336 pp., $32.50 Israel and the Road to Peace presented by EDEN Reviewed by Daniel Pipes National Review May 17, 2010 Nakba, the Arabic word for "catastrophe," has entered the English language in reference to the Arab Israeli conflict. As defined by the anti-israel website The Electronic Intifada, Nakba means "the expulsion and dispossession of hundreds of thousands [of] Palestinians from their homes and land in 1948." Those who wish Israel to disappear actively promote the Nakba narrative. For example, Nakba Day serves as a mournful Palestinian counterpart to Israel's Independence Day festivities, annually publicizing Israel's alleged sins. So established has this day become that Ban Ki-moon, secretary general of the United Nations the very institution that created the State of Israel has sent his support to "the Palestinian people on Nakba Day." Even Neve Shalom, a Jewish-Palestinian community in Israel claiming to be "engaged in educational work for peace, equality, and understanding between the two peoples," dutifully commemorates Nakba Day. The Nakba ideology presents Palestinians as victims without choices and therefore without responsibility for the ills that befell them. It blames Israel alone for the Palestinian-refugee problem. This view has an intuitive appeal, for Muslim and Christian Palestinians had long formed a majority on the land that became Israel, whereas most Jews were relative newcomers. Intuitive sense, however, does not equal historical accuracy. In his new tour de force, Palestine Betrayed, Efraim Karsh of the University of London offers the latter. With his customary in-depth archival research in this case, relying on masses of recently declassified documents from the period of British rule and of the first Arab Israeli war, clear presentation, and meticulous historical sensibility, Karsh argues the opposite case: that Palestinians decided their own destiny and bear near-total responsibility for becoming refugees. In Karsh's words: "Far from being the hapless victims of a predatory Zionist assault, it was Palestinian Arab leaders who, from the early 1920s onward, and very much against the wishes of their own constituents, launched a relentless campaign to obliterate the Jewish national revival which culminated in the violent attempt to abort the U.N. partition resolution." More broadly, he observes, "there was nothing inevitable about the Palestinian Jewish confrontation, let alone the Arab Israeli conflict." Yet more counterintuitively, Karsh shows that his understanding was the conventional, indeed the undisputed interpretation in the late 1940s. Only with the passage of time did "Palestinians and their Western supporters gradually rewr[i]te their national narrative," thereby making Israel into the unique culprit, the one excoriated in the United Nations, university classrooms, and editorials. Karsh successfully makes his case by establishing two main points: that (1) the Jewish-Zionist-Israeli side perpetually sought to find a compromise while the Palestinian-Arab-Muslim side rejected nearly all deals; and (2) Arab intransigence and violence caused the self-inflicted "catastrophe." The first point is more familiar, especially since the Oslo Accords of 1993, for it remains today's pattern. Karsh demonstrates a consistency of Jewish goodwill and Arab rejectionism going back to the Balfour Declaration and persisting throughout the period of British rule. (To remind, the Balfour Declaration of 1917 expressed London's intention to establish in Palestine a "national home for the Jewish people," and the British conquest of Palestine just 37 days later gave it control of Palestine until 1948.)

4 In the first years after 1917, Arab reaction was muted, as leaders and masses alike recognized the benefits of the dynamic Zionist enterprise that helped revive a backward, poor, and sparsely populated Palestine. Then emerged, with British facilitation, the noxious figure who would dominate Palestinian politics over the next three decades, Amin al-husseini. From about 1921 on, Karsh documents, Zionists and Palestinians had many choices to make; while the former invariably opted for compromise, the latter relentlessly decided on extermination. In various capacities mufti, head of Islamic and political organizations, Hitler ally, hero of the Arab masses Husseini drove his constituents to what Karsh calls "a relentless collision course with the Zionist movement." Hating Jews so maniacally that he went on to join the Nazi genocide machine, Husseini refused to accept their presence in any numbers in Palestine, much less any form of Zionist sovereignty. From the early 1920s, then, one witnessed a pattern still in place and familiar today: Zionist accommodation, "painful concessions," and constructive efforts to bridge differences, met by Palestinian anti-semitism, rejectionism, and violence. Complementing this binary dramatis personae, and complicating its stark contrast, stood the generally more accommodating Palestinian masses, the disgracefully anti-semitic British mandatory authority, a Jordanian king eager to rule the Jews as subjects, feckless Arab state leaders, and an erratic American government. Despite the radicalization of Palestinian opinion by the mufti and despite the Nazi rise to power, Zionists kept seeking an accommodation. It took some years, but the mufti's zero-sum policy and eliminationism eventually convinced reluctant Labor leaders, including David Ben-Gurion, that good works would not facilitate their dream of acceptance. Still, despite repeated failures, they continued the search for a moderate Arab partner with whom to strike a deal. In contrast, Ze'ev Jabotinsky, the forerunner of today's Likud party, already in 1923 understood that "there is not even the slightest hope of ever obtaining the agreement of the Arabs of the Land of Israel to 'Palestine' becoming a country with a Jewish majority." Yet even he rejected the idea of expelling Arabs and insisted on their full enfranchisement in a future Jewish state. This dialectic culminated in November 1947, when the United Nations passed a partition plan that nowadays would be termed a two-state solution. In other words, it handed the Palestinians a state on a silver platter. Zionists rejoiced but Palestinian leaders, foremost the malign Husseini, sourly rejected any solution that endorsed Jewish autonomy. They insisted on everything and so got nothing. Had they accepted the U.N. plan, Palestine would be celebrating its 62nd anniversary this May. And there would have been no Nakba. "Had they accepted the U.N. plan, Palestine would be celebrating its 62nd anniversary this May. And there would have been no Nakba" The most original part of Palestine Betrayed is the half that contains a detailed review of the flight of Muslims and Christians from Palestine in the years Here Karsh's archival research comes into its own, allowing him to present a uniquely rich picture of the specific circumstances of Arab flight. He goes one by one through the various Arab population centers Qastel, Deir Yassin, Tiberias, Haifa, Jaffa, Jerusalem, Safad and then takes a close look at the villages. Israel's war of independence divides into two parts. Ferocious fighting began within hours of the United Nations vote to partition Palestine on Nov. 29, 1947, and lasted till the eve of the British evacuation on May 14, The international conflict began on May 15 (the day after Israel came into being), when five Arab state armies invaded, with hostilities lasting until January The first phase consisted largely of guerrilla warfare, the second primarily of conventional warfare. Over half (between 300,000 and 340,000) of the 600,000 Arab refugees fled before the British evacuation, and most of them in the final month.

5 Palestinians fled in a wide range of circumstances and for varied reasons. Arab commanders ordered noncombatants out of the way of military maneuvers; or they threatened laggards with treatment as traitors if they stayed; or they demanded that villages be evacuated to improve their standing on the battlefield; or they promised a safe return in a matter of days. Some communities preferred to flee rather than to sign a truce with the Zionists; in the words of Jaffa's mayor, "I do not mind destruction of Jaffa if we secure destruction of Tel Aviv." The mufti's agents attacked Jews to provoke hostilities. Families with the means to do so fled danger. When agricultural tenants heard that their landlords would be punished, they worried about being expelled and preempted by abandoning the land. Bitter internecine enmities hobbled planning. Shortages of food and other necessities spread. Services like water-pumping stations were abandoned. Fears spread of Arab gunmen, as did rumors of Zionist atrocities. In only one case (Lydda) did Israeli troops push Arabs out. The singularity of this event bears emphasis. Karsh explains about the entire first phase of fighting: "None of the 170, ,000 Arabs fleeing urban centers, and only a handful of the 130, ,000 villagers who left their homes, had been forced out by Jews." The Palestinian leadership disapproved of a population return, seeing this as implicitly recognizing the nascent State of Israel. The Israelis were at first ready to take back the evacuees but then hardened their position as the war progressed. Prime Minister Ben-Gurion explained their thinking, on June 16, 1948: "This will be a war of life and death and [the evacuees] must not be able to return to the abandoned places.... We did not start the war. They made the war. Jaffa waged war on us, Haifa waged war on us, Beisan waged war on us. And I do not want them again to make war." In sum, Karsh explains, "it was the actions of the Arab leaders that condemned hundreds of thousands of Palestinians to exile." In this book, Karsh establishes two momentous facts: that Arabs aborted the Palestinian state and that they caused the Nakba. In the process, he confirms his status as the preeminent historian of the modern Middle East writing today, and extends the arguments of three of his earlier books. His magnum opus, Empires of the Sand: The Struggle for Mastery in the Middle East, (with Inari Karsh, 1999), argued that Middle Easterners were not, as usually thought, "hapless victims of predatory imperial powers but active participants in the restructuring of their region," a shift with vast political implications. Palestine Betrayed applies that book's thesis to the Arab Israeli conflict, depriving Palestinians of excuses and victimhood, showing that they actively, if mistakenly, chose their destiny. In Fabricating Israeli History: The "New Historians" (1997), Karsh exposed the shoddy work, even the fraudulence, of the school of Israeli historians who blame the Palestinian refugee problem on the Jewish state. Palestine Betrayed offers the flip side; if the earlier book refuted mistakes, this one establishes truths. Finally, in Islamic Imperialism: A History (2006), he showed the expansionist core of the Islamic faith in action over the centuries; here he explores that drive in small-bore detail among the Palestinians, connecting the supremacist Islamic mentality with an unwillingness to make practical concessions to Jewish sovereignty. Palestine Betrayed reframes today's Arab Israeli debate by putting it into its proper historical context. Proving that for 90 years the Palestinian political elite has opted to reject "the Jewish national revival and [insisted on] the need for its violent destruction," Karsh correctly concludes that the conflict will end only when the Palestinians give up on their "genocidal hopes." Mr. Pipes is a columnist for National Review Online, director of the Middle East Forum, and Taube distinguished visiting fellow at the Hoover Institution.

6 May 19, 110 Wednesday 14 Sivan :17 IST MAIL NEWS ISRAEL Presented by EDEN Yalla Peace: Who supports Palestinian development? By RAY HANANIA 04/05/2010 For five years I have tried my best to gain control of my family s land near what is now Gilo. All I ve been getting is the runaround. Photo by: Matthias Guggisberg Silvan Shalom is the vice prime minister of Israel and minister for regional development. He wrote a column last week that appeared in a local paper in Chicago titled Israel, striving to be a good neighbor. It was an upbeat column, intended, I think, more for American consumption than to reinforce confidence among the Palestinians. But I did read it. And I was inspired by his words and his promised goal to support Palestinian development. Maybe I am a sucker for politicians who have a habit of saying inspiring and great things, but doing something different. I ve been a journalist for 35 years, so that makes me very cynical. Then again, maybe I always just want to believe that there is something far better behind the ugly headlines of conflict and continued turmoil that plagues Palestinian-Israeli relations. There are things about Shalom that make me, at least as an Arab, believe he is genuine. He is a Jewish Arab born in Tunisia who immigrated to Israel as a one year old in About that time, my dad was able to get his brothers and sisters out of a refugee camp in Jordan and resettled in Chicago near by. I was seven at the time. But Shalom is also a journalist, and despite what I know is a deep-seated bias in the mainstream media against Arabs, I think sometimes Israeli journalists are more open to see the other side. So, maybe Shalom does care about us Palestinians. AND IT is in that spirit that I am asking Minister Shalom to step in to my life and into the issue of my family s land. It is located right in the middle of that spirit of cooperation that Shalom spoke about in his column, about how he and Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu were working hard to improve relations with the Palestinians and the neighboring Arab countries by increasing the level of economic cooperation. It would go a long way, Minister Shalom, if you would insure that no one messes with my family s land, which has been handed down to me as the official representative of the Hanania Palestinian people. My mother s cousins on my grandmother s side purchased about 34 dunams of land that sits in one of the valleys in Gilo that face Malha and the stadium. The land belongs to my cousins, the Tarud family. It is right around the mountain bend from a little Muslim village called Sharafat. It s not too far away from the land owned by the Darweesh family. For years, one of the family members at Sharafat watched over our land, harvesting the olives and other vegetables and fruits as a trade-off for his service. Three generations have passed. The caretaker lived in a small home that was on the side of the land, but that was torn down by Israeli soldiers sometime in the 1970s. They sealed the water well that was nearby, too. (It wasn t a great gesture of wanting to work together, by the

7 way. But, I guess, stuff happens.) The land has more than 100 olive trees and Zarzour berries. I ve been to it several times in the past few years, as my cousins have passed away, leaving the land s ownership in the hands of one last cousin, who placed the power of attorney in my hands. For five years I have tried my best to gain control of my family s land. I have all of the original papers and even the sales document stamped by the Ottoman government, and registered in Bethlehem, where my mother s family is from. And for five years, all I have been given is the runaround. We don t steal anyone s land, I have been told by countless Israeli officials who defend the expansion of settlements like Gilo, which was once a security settlement and is a prestigious and old neighborhood these days. PALESTINIANS HAVE not been that helpful, either. They keep threatening me that I must not sell the land to the Jews. And everyone wants a piece of it to help me protect it. I brought it to an Israeli realtor to put it on the market to see what I can get from Palestinians or Israelis. They found one potential buyer, Yossi, who offered a paltry $600,000 through a prominent law firm on King George Avenue. But Yossi never followed through. The deal was never consummated. I don t trust too many people anymore. I ignore the threats from Palestinians and the hypocritical advice I get from other Arabs who tell me, Don t do anything. We ll get it all back one day. The biggest problem, though, is the Israelis, Every trip to an Israeli office has ended in a bad experience. Why should they help me when maybe, if they wait long enough, they can just take it from me. Who am I to complain? But that would contradict the spirit of what Minister Silvan Shalom wrote about in his glowing column on how much Israel s government wants to help Palestinians through cooperative development. Okay, Minister Shalom. Here s my deal: You develop the land for me. I want to create a peace oasis where Palestinians and Israelis can come together to learn about cooperation. Maybe they can build a business there run by both sides. Maybe we can build a theater there where Israelis and Palestinians can creatively work out their conflicting narratives through writing, comedy, stage plays and sometimes just sharing a cup of coffee. Yea, that s it. Maybe we build a big coffee shop that caters to both sides so that Palestinians and Israelis can come together. Or, maybe it s all just a bunch of baloney kosher or halal, who cares. And it s all just talk. I d like to believe there are some good Israelis out there who really do care about Palestinian development, and maybe even do the right thing. Imagine, Palestinians and Israelis sharing a table in a disputed region not too far from Jerusalem to the north. Sharing a finjan kahwah and even having their futures read from the grinds at the bottom of the porcelain cup. My mother, bless her heart, read my fortune once when I was young. And she said to me, One day, you ll be at the forefront of peace. I m here. Just sometimes, it feels a little lonely. Named Best Ethnic Columnist in America by New America Media, the writer is a Palestinian-American columnist and peace activist. He can be reached at

8 Peace-Badge Israel no.1b Copyright EDEN Sigvard Aronsohn Peace-Badge Israel no.2b Open! When Jerusalem was ruled by Jordan, no jews were allowed to enter the Old City. Now, Jerusalem is open to every fate! Jews, Muslims, Christians, and others have free access to all of Jerusalem today! Peace-Badge Israel no.4 Historic! Under Jordanian rule, many Jewish archeological and biblical objects were destroyed. The Palestinian Authority and Waqf is destroying Jewish history when digging out under the Al-Aqsa Mosque, which was the location of the Jewish temples. The Palestinians deny any Jewish history connected to Jerusalem! Price: SEK / DKK 35, or 3,5 per badge plus postage. When buying a minimum of 6 badges, no postage will be charged. Orders: EDEN Jewish-Scandinavian Culture & Social Club Mail: Phone-nr: +46 (0) Membership EDEN: 6 months whole family SEK/DKK 200

9 Från: Embassy of Israel Skickat: den 11 januari :53:52 Till: Sigvard Aronsohn Hej Sigvard Ambassadör Dagan har bett mig skriva till dig för att tacka för dvd-diskarna. Då han inte kan svenska bad han mig titta på dem och berätta för honom vad de handlade om. Speciellt intressant tycker jag dvd:n där du intervjuade olika personer i Israel var. I och för sig var det kanske inget nytt som de sade men de olika åsikterna speglade spektrumet av det israeliska folket och det var mycket intressant. Det är ju p g a israelers så vitt skilda åsikter i allt och särskilt i politik som det finns så många politiska partier i Israel. Den andra dvd:n var också intressant då vi fick se hur Eden arbetar. Ambassadören tycker att dina initiativ är beundransvärda. Tack även för de fina magneterna. Med vänliga hälsningar och önskan om god fortsättning från hela ambassaden. Evelyn Evelyn Gottlieb PR- & Informationsavd./PR & Information Dept. ISRAELS AMBASSAD - EMBASSY OF ISRAEL Storgatan 31 - Box STOCKHOLM Tel: 46+(0) Kommentar från EDEN: Filmerna avser EDEN Video Report Israel No. 1 August 2009 (på engelska) EDEN Debattprogram nr Pris SEK/DKK 150 per DVD portofritt vid köp av 2 eller flera ex. Filmerna och magneterna, Magnetic Peace Badge Israel, 3 olika motiv kr. 30 per st. kan beställas på Tel.nr eller på Mailadress se också EDEN s hemsida

10 The Muslim Claim to Jerusalem by Daniel Pipes Middle East Quarterly, Fall The Camp David II summit and the "Aqsa intifada" that followed have confirmed what everyone had long known: Jerusalem is the knottiest issue facing Arab and Israeli negotiators. In part, the problem is practical: the Palestinians insist that the capital of Israel serve as the capital of their future state too, something Israelis are loathe to accept. But mostly, the problem is religious: the ancient city has sacred associations for Jews and Muslims alike (and Christians too, of course; but Christians today no longer make an independent political claim to Jerusalem), and both insist on sovereignty over their overlapping sacred areas. In Jerusalem, theological and historical claims matter; they are the functional equivalent to the deed to the city and have direct operational consequences. Jewish and Muslim connections to the city therefore require evaluation. Comparing Religious Claims The Jewish connection to Jerusalem is an ancient and powerful one. Judaism made Jerusalem a holy city over three thousand years ago and through all that time Jews remained steadfast to it. Jews pray in its direction, mention its name constantly in prayers, close the Passover service with the wistful statement "Next year in Jerusalem," and recall the city in the blessing at the end of each meal. The destruction of the Temple looms very large in Jewish consciousness; remembrance takes such forms as a special day of mourning, houses left partially unfinished, a woman's makeup or jewelry left incomplete, and a glass smashed during the wedding ceremony. In addition, Jerusalem has had a prominent historical role, is the only capital of a Jewish state, and is the only city with a Jewish majority during the whole of the past century. In the words of its current mayor, Jerusalem represents "the purist expression of all that Jews prayed for, dreamed of, cried for, and died for in the two thousand years since the destruction of the Second Temple." 1 What about Muslims? Where does Jerusalem fit in Islam and Muslim history? It is not the place to which they pray, is not once mentioned by name in prayers, and it is connected to no mundane events in Muhammad's life. The city never served as capital of a sovereign Muslim state, and it never became a cultural or scholarly center. Little of political import by Muslims was initiated there. One comparison makes this point most clearly: Jerusalem appears in the Jewish Bible 669 times and Zion (which usually means Jerusalem, sometimes the Land of Israel) 154 times, or 823 times in all. The Christian Bible mentions Jerusalem 154 times and Zion 7 times. In contrast, the columnist Moshe Kohn notes, Jerusalem and Zion appear as frequently in the Qur'an "as they do in the Hindu Bhagavad-Gita, the Taoist Tao-Te Ching, the Buddhist Dhamapada and the Zoroastrian Zend Avesta" which is to say, not once. 2 The city being of such evidently minor religious importance, why does it now loom so large for Muslims, to the point that a Muslim Zionism seems to be in the making across the Muslim world? Why do Palestinian demonstrators take to the streets shouting "We will sacrifice our blood and souls for you, Jerusalem" 3 and their brethren in Jordan yell "We sacrifice our blood and soul for Al-Aqsa"? 4 Why does King Fahd of Saudi Arabia call on Muslim states to protect "the holy city [that] belongs to all Muslims across the world"? 5 Why did two surveys of American Muslims find Jerusalem their most pressing foreign policy issue? 6 Because of politics. An historical survey shows that the stature of the city, and the emotions surrounding it, inevitably rises for Muslims when Jerusalem has political significance. Conversely, when the utility of Jerusalem expires, so does its status and the passions about it. This pattern first emerged during the lifetime of the Prophet Muhammad in the early seventh century. Since then, it has been repeated on five occasions: in the late seventh century, in the twelfth century Countercrusade, in the thirteenth century Crusades, during the era of British rule ( ), and since Israel took the city in The consistency that emerges in such a long period provides an important perspective on the current confrontation. I. The Prophet Muhammad According to the Arabic-literary sources, Muhammad in a.d. 622 fled his home town of Mecca for Medina, a city with a substantial Jewish population. On arrival in Medina, if not slightly earlier, the Qur'an adopted a number of practices friendly to Jews: a Yom Kippur-like fast, a synagogue-like place of prayer, permission to eat kosher food, and approval to marry Jewish women.

11 Most important, the Qur'an repudiated the pre- Islamic practice of the Meccans to pray toward the Ka ba, the small stone structure at the center of the main mosque in Mecca. Instead, it adopted the Judaic practice of facing the Temple Mount in Jerusalem during prayer. (Actually, the Qur'an only mentions the direction as "Syria"; other information makes it clear that Jerusalem is meant.) This, the first qibla (direction of prayer) of Islam, did not last long. The Jews criticized the new faith and rejected the friendly Islamic gestures; not long after, the Qur'an broke with them, probably in early 624. The explanation of this change comes in a Qur'anic verse instructing the faithful no longer to pray toward Syria but instead toward Mecca. The passage (2:142-52) begins by anticipating questions about this abrupt change: The Fools among the people will say: "What has turned them [the Muslims] from the qibla to which they were always used?" God then provides the answer: We appointed the qibla that to which you was used, only to test those who followed the Messenger [Muhammad] from those who would turn on their heels [on Islam]. In other words, the new qibla served as a way to distinguish Muslims from Jews. From now on, Mecca would be the direction of prayer: now shall we turn you to a qibla that shall please you. Then turn your face in the direction of the Sacred Mosque [in Mecca]. Wherever you are, turn your faces in that direction. The Qur'an then reiterates the point about no longer paying attention to Jews: Even if you were to bring all the signs to the people of the Book [i.e., Jews], they would not follow your qibla. Muslims subsequently accepted the point implicit to the Qur'anic explanation, that the adoption of Jerusalem as qibla was a tactical move to win Jewish converts. "He chose the Holy House in Jerusalem in order that the People of the Book [i.e., Jews] would be conciliated," notes At-Tabari, an early Muslim commentator on the Qur'an, "and the Jews were glad." 7 Modern historians agree: W. Montgomery Watt, a leading biographer of Muhammad, interprets the prophet's "far-reaching concessions to Jewish feeling" in the light of two motives, one of which was "the desire for a reconciliation with the Jews." 8 After the Qur'an repudiated Jerusalem, so did the Muslims: the first description of the town under Muslim rule comes from the visiting Bishop Arculf, a Gallic pilgrim, in 680, who reported seeing "an oblong house of prayer, which they [the Muslims] pieced together with upright plans and large beams over some ruined remains." 9 Not for the last time, safely under Muslim control, Jerusalem became a backwater. 10 This episode set the mold that would be repeated many times over succeeding centuries: Muslims take interest religiously in Jerusalem because of pressing but temporary concerns. Then, when those concerns lapse, so does the focus on Jerusalem, and the city's standing greatly diminishes. II. Umayyads The second round of interest in Jerusalem occurred during the rule of the Damascus-based Umayyad dynasty ( ). A dissident leader in Mecca, Abdullah b. az-zubayr began a revolt against the Umayyads in 680 that lasted until his death in 692; while fighting him, Umayyad rulers sought to aggrandize Syria at the expense of Arabia (and perhaps also to help recruit an army against the Byzantine Empire). They took some steps to sanctify Damascus, but mostly their campaign involved what Amikam Elad of the Hebrew University calls an "enormous" effort "to exalt and to glorify" Jerusalem. 11 They may even have hoped to make it the equal of Mecca. The first Umayyad ruler, Mu awiya, chose Jerusalem as the place where he ascended to the caliphate; he and his successors engaged in a construction program religious edifices, a palace, and roads in the city. The Umayyads possibly had plans to make Jerusalem their political and administrative capital; indeed, Elad finds that they in effect treated it as such. But Jerusalem is primarily a city of faith, and, as the Israeli scholar Izhak Hasson explains, the "Umayyad regime was interested in ascribing an Islamic aura to its stronghold and center." 12 Toward this end (as well as to assert Islam's presence in its competition with Christianity), the Umayyad caliph built Islam's first grand structure, the Dome of the Rock, right on the spot of the Jewish Temple, in This remarkable building is not just the first monumental sacred building of Islam but also the only one that still stands today in roughly its original form. The next Umayyad step was subtle and complex, and requires a pause to note a passage of the Qur'an (17:1) describing the Prophet Muhammad's Night Journey to heaven (isra'): Glory to He who took His servant by night from the Sacred Mosque to the furthest mosque. (Subhana allathina asra bi- abdihi laylatan min almasjidi al-harami ila al-masjidi al-aqsa.) When this Qur'anic passage was first revealed, in about 621, a place called the Sacred Mosque already existed in Mecca. In contrast, the "furthest mosque" was a turn of phrase, not a place. Some

12 early Muslims understood it as metaphorical or as a place in heaven. 14 And if the "furthest mosque" did exist on earth, Palestine would seem an unlikely location, for many reasons. Some of them: Elsewhere in the Qur'an (30:1), Palestine is called "the closest land" (adna al-ard). Palestine had not yet been conquered by the Muslims and contained not a single mosque. The "furthest mosque" was apparently identified with places inside Arabia: either Medina 15 or a town called Ji rana, about ten miles from Mecca, which the Prophet visited in The earliest Muslim accounts of Jerusalem, such as the description of Caliph Umar's reported visit to the city just after the Muslims conquest in 638, nowhere identify the Temple Mount with the "furthest mosque" of the Qur'an. The Qur'anic inscriptions that make up a 240-meter mosaic frieze inside the Dome of the Rock do not include Qur'an 17:1 and the story of the Night Journey, suggesting that as late as 692 the idea of Jerusalem as the lift-off for the Night Journey had not yet been established. (Indeed, the first extant inscriptions of Qur'an 17:1 in Jerusalem date from the eleventh century.) Muhammad ibn al-hanafiya ( ), a close relative of the Prophet Muhammad, is quoted denigrating the notion that the prophet ever set foot on the Rock in Jerusalem; "these damned Syrians," by which he means the Umayyads, "pretend that God put His foot on the Rock in Jerusalem, though [only] one person ever put his foot on the rock, namely Abraham." 17 Then, in 715, to build up the prestige of their dominions, the Umayyads did a most clever thing: they built a second mosque in Jerusalem, again on the Temple Mount, and called this one the Furthest Mosque (al-masjid al-aqsa, Al-Aqsa Mosque). With this, the Umayyads retroactively gave the city a role in Muhammad's life. This association of Jerusalem with al-masjid al-aqsa fit into a wider Muslim tendency to identify place names found in the Qur'an: "wherever the Koran mentions a name of an event, stories were invented to give the impression that somehow, somewhere, someone, knew what they were about." 18 Despite all logic (how can a mosque built nearly a century after the Qur'an was received establish what the Qur'an meant?), building an actual Al- Aqsa Mosque, the Palestinian historian A. L. Tibawi writes, "gave reality to the figurative name used in the Koran." 19 It also had the hugely important effect of inserting Jerusalem post hoc into the Qur'an and making it more central to Islam. Also, other changes resulted. Several Qur'anic passages were re-interpreted to refer to this city. 20 Jerusalem came to be seen as the site of the Last Judgment. The Umayyads cast aside the non-religious Roman name for the city, Aelia Capitolina (in Arabic, Iliya) and replaced it with Jewish-style names, either Al-Quds (The Holy) or Bayt al-maqdis (The Temple). They sponsored a form of literature praising the "virtues of Jerusalem," a genre one author is tempted to call "Zionist." 21 Accounts of the prophet's sayings or doings (Arabic: hadiths, often translated into English as "Traditions") favorable to Jerusalem emerged at this time, some of them equating the city with Mecca. 22 There was even an effort to move the pilgrimage (hajj) from Mecca to Jerusalem. Scholars agree that the Umayyads' motivation to assert a Muslim presence in the sacred city had a strictly utilitarian purpose. The Iraqi historian Abdul Aziz Duri finds "political reasons" behind their actions. 23 Hasson concurs: The construction of the Dome of the Rock and al- Aqsa mosque, the rituals instituted by the Umayyads on the Temple Mount and the dissemination of Islamic-oriented Traditions regarding the sanctity of the site, all point to the political motives which underlay the glorification of Jerusalem among the Muslims. 24 Thus did a politically-inspired Umayyad building program lead to the Islamic sanctification of Jerusalem. Abbasid Rule Then, with the Umayyad demise in 750 and the move of the caliph's capital to Baghdad, "imperial patronage became negligible" 25 and Jerusalem fell into near-obscurity. For the next three and a half centuries, books praising this city lost favor and the construction of glorious buildings not only came to an end but existing ones fell apart (the dome over the rock collapsed in 1016). Gold was stripped off the dome to pay for Al-Aqsa repair work. City walls collapsed. Worse, the rulers of the new dynasty bled Jerusalem and its region country through what F. E. Peters of New York University calls "their rapacity and their careless indifference." 26 The city declined to the point of becoming a shambles. "Learned men are few, and the Christians numerous," bemoaned a tenthcentury Muslim native of Jerusalem. 27 Only mystics continued to visit the city. In a typical put-down, another tenth-century author described the city as "a provincial town attached to Ramla," 28 a reference to the tiny, insignificant town serving as Palestine's administrative center. Elad characterizes Jerusalem in the early centuries of Muslim rule as "an outlying city of diminished importance." 29 The great historian S. D. Goitein notes that the geographical dictionary of al-yaqut

13 mentions Basra 170 times, Damascus 100 times, and Jerusalem only once, and that one time in passing. He concludes from this and other evidence that, in its first six centuries of Muslim rule, "Jerusalem mostly lived the life of an out-of-theway provincial town, delivered to the exactions of rapacious officials and notables, often also to tribulations at the hands of seditious fellahin [peasants] or nomads.... Jerusalem certainly could not boast of excellence in the sciences of Islam or any other fields." 30 By the early tenth century, notes Peters, Muslim rule over Jerusalem had an "almost casual" quality with "no particular political significance." 31 Later too: Al-Ghazali, sometimes called the "Thomas Aquinas of Islam," visited Jerusalem in 1096 but not once refers to the Crusaders heading his way. and restoration program in Jerusalem, thereby imbuing the city with a more Muslim character. Until this point, Islamic Jerusalem had consisted only of the shrines on the Temple Mount; now, for the first time, specifically Islamic buildings (Sufi convents, schools) were built in the surrounding city. Also, it was at this time, Oleg Grabar of Princeton's Institute of Advanced Study notes, that the Dome of the Rock came to be seen as the exact place where Muhammad's ascension to heaven (mi raj) took place during his Night Journey: 36 if the "furthest mosque" is in Jerusalem, then Muhammad's Night Journey and his subsequent visit to heaven logically took place on the Temple Mount indeed, on the very rock from which Jesus was thought to have ascended to heaven. III. Early Crusades The Crusader conquest of Jerusalem in 1099 initially aroused a very mild Muslim response. The Franks did not rate much attention; Arabic literature written in Crusader-occupied towns tended not even to mention them. Thus, "calls to jihad at first fell upon deaf ears," writes Robert Irwin, formerly of the University of St Andrews in Scotland. 32 Emmanuel Sivan of the Hebrew University adds that "one does not detect either shock or a sense of religious loss and humiliation." 33 Only as the effort to retake Jerusalem grew serious in about 1150 did Muslim leaders seek to rouse jihad sentiments through the heightening of emotions about Jerusalem. Using the means at their disposal (hadiths, "virtues of Jerusalem" books, poetry), their propagandists stressed the sanctity of Jerusalem and the urgency of its return to Muslim rule. Newly-minted hadiths made Jerusalem evermore critical to the Islamic faith; one of them put words into the Prophet Muhammad's mouth saying that, after his own death, Jerusalem's falling to the infidels is the second greatest catastrophe facing Islam. Whereas not a single "virtues of Jerusalem" volume appeared in the period , very many came out in the subsequent half century. In the 1160s, Sivan notes, "al-quds propaganda blossomed"; and when Saladin (Salah ad-din) led the Muslims to victory over Jerusalem in 1187, the "propaganda campaign... attained its paroxysm." 34 In a letter to his Crusader opponent, Saladin wrote that the city "is to us as it is to you. It is even more important to us." 35 The glow of the reconquest remained bright for several decades thereafter; for example, Saladin's descendants (known as the Ayyubid dynasty, which ruled until 1250) went on a great building IV. Ayyubids But once safely back in Muslim hands, interest in Jerusalem again dropped; "the simple fact soon emerged that al-quds was not essential to the security of an empire based in Egypt or Syria. Accordingly, in times of political or military crisis, the city proved to be expendable," writes Donald P. Little of McGill University. 37 In particular, in 1219, when the Europeans attacked Egypt in the Fifth Crusade, a grandson of Saladin named al- Mu azzam decided to raze the walls around Jerusalem, fearing that were the Franks to take the city with walls, "they will kill all whom they find there and will have the fate of Damascus and lands of Islam in their hands." 38 Pulling down Jerusalem's fortifications had the effect of prompting a mass exodus from the city and its steep decline. Also at this time, the Muslim ruler of Egypt and Palestine, al-kamil (another of Saladin's grandsons and the brother of al-mu azzam), offered to trade Jerusalem to the Europeans if only the latter would leave Egypt, but he had no takers. Ten years later, in 1229, just such a deal was reached when al- Kamil did cede Jerusalem to Emperor Friedrich II; in return, the German leader promised military aid to al-kamil against al-mu azzam, now a rival king. Al-Kamil insisted that the Temple Mount remain in Muslim hands and "all the practices of Islam" 39 continued to be exercised there, a condition Friedrich complied with. Referring to his deal with Frederick, al-kamil wrote in a remarkably revealing description of Jerusalem, "I conceded to the Franks only ruined churches and houses." 40 In other words, the city that had been heroically regained by Saladin in 1187 was voluntarily traded away by his grandson just forty-two years later. On learning that Jerusalem was back in Christian hands, Muslims felt predictably intense emotions.

14 An Egyptian historian later wrote that the loss of the city "was a great misfortune for the Muslims, and much reproach was put upon al-kamil, and many were the revilings of him in all the lands." 41 By 1239, another Ayyubid ruler, an-nasir Da'ud, managed to expel the Franks from the city. But then he too ceded it right back to the Crusaders in return for help against one of his relatives. This time, the Christians were less respectful of the Islamic sanctuaries and turned the Temple Mount mosques into churches. Their intrusion did not last long; by 1244 the invasion of Palestine by troops from Central Asia brought Jerusalem again under the rule of an Ayyubid; and henceforth the city remained safely under Muslim rule for nearly seven centuries. Jerusalem remained but a pawn in the Realpolitik of the times, as explained in a letter from a later Ayyubid ruler, as-salih Ayyub, to his son: if the Crusaders threaten you in Cairo, he wrote, and they demand from you the coast of Palestine and Jerusalem, "give these places to them without delay on condition they have no foothold in Egypt." 42 The psychology at work here bears note: that Christian knights traveled from distant lands to make Jerusalem their capital made the city more valuable in Muslim eyes too. "It was a city strongly coveted by the enemies of the faith, and thus became, in a sort of mirror-image syndrome, dear to Muslim hearts," 43 Sivan explains. And so fractured opinions coalesced into a powerful sensibility; political exigency caused Muslims ever after to see Jerusalem as the third most holy city of Islam (thalith al-masajid). Mamluk and Ottoman Rule During the Mamluk era ( ), Jerusalem lapsed further into its usual obscurity capital of no dynasty, economic laggard, cultural backwater though its new-found prestige as an Islamic site remained intact. Also, Jerusalem became a favorite place to exile political leaders, due to its proximity to Egypt and its lack of walls, razed in 1219 and not rebuilt for over three centuries, making Jerusalem easy prey for marauders. These notables endowed religious institutions, especially religious schools, which in the aggregate had the effect of re-establishing Islam in the city. But a general lack of interest translated into decline and impoverishment. Many of the grand buildings, including the Temple Mount sanctuaries, were abandoned and became dilapidated as the city became depopulated. A fourteenth-century author bemoaned the paucity of Muslims visiting Jerusalem. 44 The Mamluks so devastated Jerusalem that the town's entire population at the end of their rule amounted to a miserable 4,000 souls. The Ottoman period ( ) got off to an excellent start when Süleyman the Magnificent rebuilt the city walls in and lavished money in Jerusalem (for example, assuring its water supply), but things then quickly reverted to type. Jerusalem now suffered from the indignity of being treated as a tax farm for non-resident, oneyear (and very rapacious) officials. "After having exhausted Jerusalem, the pasha left," observed the French traveler François-René Chateaubriand in At times, this rapaciousness prompted uprisings. The Turkish authorities also raised funds for themselves by gouging European visitors; in general, this allowed them to make fewer efforts in Jerusalem than in other cities to promote the city's economy. The tax rolls show soap as its only export. So insignificant was Jerusalem, it was sometimes a mere appendage to the governorship of Nablus or Gaza. Nor was scholarship cultivated: in 1670, a traveler reported that standards had dropped so low that even the preacher at Al-Aqsa Mosque spoke a low standard of literary Arabic. The many religious schools of an earlier era disappeared. By 1806, the population had again dropped, this time to under 9,000 residents. Muslims during this long era could afford to ignore Jerusalem, writes the historian James Parkes, because the city "was something that was there, and it never occurred to a Muslim that it would not always be there," safely under Muslim rule. 45 Innumerable reports during these centuries from Western pilgrims, tourists, and diplomats in Jerusalem told of the city's execrable condition. George Sandys in 1611 found that "Much lies waste; the old buildings (except a few) all ruined, the new contemptible." Constantin Volney, one of the most scientific of observers, noted in 1784 Jerusalem's "destroyed walls, its debris-filled moat, its city circuit choked with ruins." "What desolation and misery!" wrote Chateaubriand. Gustav Flaubert of Madame Bovary fame visited in 1850 and found "Ruins everywhere, and everywhere the odor of graves. It seems as if the Lord's curse hovers over the city. The Holy City of three religions is rotting away from boredom, desertion, and neglect." "Hapless are the favorites of heaven," commented Herman Melville in Mark Twain in 1867 found that Jerusalem "has lost all its ancient grandeur, and is become a pauper village." The British government recognized the minimal Muslim interest in Jerusalem during World War I. In negotiations with Sharif Husayn of Mecca in over the terms of the Arab revolt against the Ottomans, London decided not to include

15 Jerusalem in territories to be assigned to the Arabs because, as the chief British negotiator, Henry McMahon, put it, "there was no place of sufficient importance further south" of Damascus "to which the Arabs attached vital importance." 46 True to this spirit, the Turkish overlords of Jerusalem abandoned Jerusalem rather than fight for it in 1917, evacuating it just in advance of the British troops. One account indicates they were even prepared to destroy the holy city. Jamal Pasha, the Ottoman commander-in-chief, instructed his Austrian allies to "blow Jerusalem to hell" should the British enter the city. The Austrians therefore had their guns trained on the Dome of the Rock, with enough ammunition to keep up two full days of intensive bombardment. According to Pierre van Paasen, a journalist, that the dome still exists today is due to a Jewish artillery captain in the Austrian army, Marek Schwartz, who rather than respond to the approaching British troops with a barrage on the Islamic holy places, "quietly spiked his own guns and walked into the British lines." 47 V. British Rule In modern times, notes the Israeli scholar Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Jerusalem "became the focus of religious and political Arab activity only at the beginning of the [twentieth] century." She ascribes the change mainly to "the renewed Jewish activity in the city and Judaism's claims on the Western Wailing Wall." 48 British rule over city, lasting from 1917 to 1948, then galvanized a renewed passion for Jerusalem. Arab politicians made Jerusalem a prominent destination during the British Mandatory period. Iraqi leaders frequently turned up in Jerusalem, demonstrably praying at Al-Aqsa and giving emotional speeches. Most famously, King Faysal of Iraq visited the city and made a ceremonial entrance to the Temple Mount using the same gate as did Caliph Umar when the city was first conquered in 638. Iraqi involvement also included raising funds for an Islamic university in Jerusalem, and setting up a consulate and an information office there. The Palestinian leader (and mufti of Jerusalem) Hajj Amin al-husayni made the Temple Mount central to his anti-zionist political efforts. Husayni brought a contingent of Muslim notables to Jerusalem in 1931 for an international congress to mobilize global Muslim opinion on behalf of the Palestinians. He also exploited the draw of the Islamic holy places in Jerusalem to find international Muslim support for his campaign against Zionism. For example, he engaged in fundraising in several Arab countries to restore the Dome of the Rock and Al-Aqsa, sometimes by sending out pictures of the Dome of the Rock under a Star of David; his efforts did succeed in procuring the funds to restore these monuments to their former glory. Perhaps most indicative of the change in mood was the claim that the Prophet Muhammad had tethered his horse to the western wall of the Temple Mount. As established by Shmuel Berkowitz, 49 Muslim scholars over the centuries had variously theorized about the prophet tying horse to the eastern or southern walls but not one of them before the Muslim-Jewish clashes at the Western Wall in 1929 ever associated this incident with the western side. Once again, politics drove Muslim piousness regarding Jerusalem. Jordanian Rule Sandwiched between British and Israeli eras, Jordanian rule over Jerusalem in offers a useful control case; true to form, when Muslims took the Old City (which contains the sanctuaries) they noticeably lost interest in it. An initial excitement stirred when the Jordanian forces captured the walled city in as evidenced by the Coptic bishop's crowning King Abdullah as "King of Jerusalem" in November of that year but then the usual ennui set in. The Hashemites had little affection for Jerusalem, where some of their worst enemies lived and where Abdullah was assassinated in In fact, the Hashemites made a concerted effort to diminish the holy city's importance in favor of their capital, Amman. Jerusalem had served as the British administrative capital, but now all government offices there (save tourism) were shut down; Jerusalem no longer had authority even over other parts of the West Bank. The Jordanians also closed some local institutions (e.g., the Arab Higher Committee, the Supreme Muslim Council) and moved others to Amman (the treasury of the waqf, or religious endowment). Jordanian efforts succeeded: once again, Arab Jerusalem became an isolated provincial town, less important than Nablus. The economy so stagnated that many thousands of Arab Jerusalemites left the town: while the population of Amman increased five-fold in the period , that of Jerusalem grew by just 50 percent. To take out a bank loan meant traveling to Amman. Amman had the privilege of hosting the country's first university and the royal family's many residences. Jerusalem Arabs knew full well what was going on, as evidenced by one notable's complaint about the royal residences: "those palaces should have been built in Jerusalem, but were removed from here, so

16 that Jerusalem would remain not a city, but a kind of village." 50 East Jerusalem's Municipal Counsel twice formally complained of the Jordanian authorities' discrimination against their city. Perhaps most insulting of all was the decline in Jerusalem's religious standing. Mosques lacked sufficient funds. Jordanian radio broadcast the Friday prayers not from Al-Aqsa Mosque but from an upstart mosque in Amman. (Ironically, Radio Israel began broadcasting services from Al-Aqsa immediately after the Israel victory in 1967.) This was part of a larger pattern, as the Jordanian authorities sought to benefit from the prestige of controlling Jerusalem even as they put the city down: Marshall Breger and Thomas Idinopulos note that although King Abdullah "styled himself a protector of the holy sites, he did little to promote the religious importance of Jerusalem to Muslims." 51 Nor were Jordan's rulers alone in ignoring Jerusalem; the city virtually disappeared from the Arab diplomatic map. Malcolm Kerr's well-known study on inter-arab relations during this period (The Arab Cold War) appears not once to mention the city. 52 No foreign Arab leader came to Jerusalem during the nineteen years when Jordan controlled East Jerusalem, and King Husayn (r ) himself only rarely visited. King Faysal of Saudi Arabia spoke often after 1967 of his yearning to pray in Jerusalem, yet he appears never to have bothered to pray there when he had the chance. Perhaps most remarkable is that the PLO's founding document, the Palestinian National Covenant of 1964, does not once mention Jerusalem or even allude to it. VI. Israeli Rule This neglect came to an abrupt end after June 1967, when the Old City came under Israeli control. Palestinians again made Jerusalem the centerpiece of their political program. The Dome of the Rock turned up in pictures everywhere, from Yasir Arafat's office to the corner grocery. Slogans about Jerusalem proliferated and the city quickly became the single most emotional issue of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The PLO made up for its 1964 oversight by specifically mentioning Jerusalem in its 1968 constitution as "the seat of the Palestine Liberation Organization." 53 "As during the era of the Crusaders," Lazarus- Yafeh points out, Muslim leaders "began again to emphasize the sanctity of Jerusalem in Islamic tradition." 54 In the process, they even relied on some of the same arguments (e.g., rejecting the occupying power's religious connections to the city) and some of the same hadiths to back up those allegations. Muslims began echoing the Jewish devotion to Jerusalem: Arafat declared that "Al- Quds is in the innermost of our feeling, the feeling of our people and the feeling of all Arabs, Muslims, and Christians in the world." 55 Extravagant statements became the norm (Jerusalem was now said to be "comparable in holiness" to Mecca and Medina; or even "our most sacred place"). 56 Jerusalem turned up regularly in Arab League and United Nations resolutions. The Jordanian and Saudi governments now gave as munificently to the Jerusalem religious trust as they had been stingy before Nor were Palestinians alone in this emphasis on Jerusalem: the city again served as a powerful vehicle for mobilizing Muslim opinion internationally. This became especially clear in September 1969, when King Faysal parlayed a fire at Al-Aqsa Mosque into the impetus to convene twenty-five Muslim heads of state and establish the Organization of the Islamic Conference, a United Nations-style institution for Muslims. In Lebanon, the fundamentalist group Hizbullah depicts the Dome of the Rock on everything from wall posters to scarves and under the picture often repeats its slogan: "We are advancing." Lebanon's leading Shi i authority, Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah, regularly exploits the theme of liberating Jerusalem from Israeli control to inspire his own people; he does so, explains his biographer Martin Kramer, not for pie-in-the-sky reasons but "to mobilize a movement to liberate Lebanon for Islam." 57 Similarly, the Islamic Republic of Iran has made Jerusalem a central issue, following the dictate of its founder, Ayatollah Khomeini, who remarked that "Jerusalem is the property of Muslims and must return to them." 58 Since shortly after the regime's founding, its 1-rial coin and 1000-rial banknote have featured the Dome of the Rock (though, embarrassingly, the latter initially was mislabeled "Al-Aqsa Mosque"). Iranian soldiers at war with Saddam Husayn's forces in the 1980s received simple maps showing their sweep through Iraq and onto Jerusalem. Ayatollah Khomeini decreed the last Friday of Ramadan as Jerusalem Day, and this commemoration has served as a major occasion for anti-israel harangues in many countries, including Turkey, Tunisia, and Morocco. The Islamic Republic of Iran celebrates the holiday with stamps and posters featuring scenes of Jerusalem accompanied by exhortative slogans. In February 1997, a crowd of some 300,000 celebrated Jerusalem Day in the presence of dignitaries such as President Hashemi Rafsanjani. Jerusalem Day is celebrated (complete with a roster of speeches, an art exhibit, a folkloric show, and a youth program) as far off as Dearborn, Michigan.

17 As it has become common for Muslims to claim passionate attachment to Jerusalem, Muslim pilgrimages to the city have multiplied four-fold in recent years. A new "virtues of Jerusalem" literature has developed. 59 So emotional has Jerusalem become to Muslims that they write books of poetry about it (especially in Western languages). 60 And in the political realm, Jerusalem has become a uniquely unifying issue for Arabicspeakers. "Jerusalem is the only issue that seems to unite the Arabs. It is the rallying cry," a senior Arab diplomat noted in late The fervor for Jerusalem at times challenges even the centrality of Mecca. No less a personage than Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia has been said repeatedly to say that for him, "Jerusalem is just like the holy city of Mecca." 62 Hasan Nasrallah, the leader of Hizbullah goes further yet, declaring in a major speech: "We won't give up on Palestine, all of Palestine, and Jerusalem will remain the place to which all jihad warriors will direct their prayers." 63 Dubious Claims Along with these high emotions, three historically dubious claims promoting the Islamic claim to Jerusalem have emerged. The Islamic connection to Jerusalem is older than the Jewish. The Palestinian "minister" of religious endowments asserts that Jerusalem has "always" been under Muslim sovereignty. 64 Likewise, Ghada Talhami, a polemicist, asserts that "There are other holy cities in Islam, but Jerusalem holds a special place in the hearts and minds of Muslims because its fate has always been intertwined with theirs." 65 Always? Jerusalem's founding antedated Islam by about two millennia, so how can that be? Ibrahim Hooper of the Washington-based Council on American-Islamic Relations explains this anachronism: "the Muslim attachment to Jerusalem does not begin with the prophet Muhammad, it begins with the prophets Abraham, David, Solomon and Jesus, who are also prophets in Islam." 66 In other words, the central figures of Judaism and Christianity were really proto- Muslims. This accounts for the Palestinian man-inthe-street declaring that "Jerusalem was Arab from the day of creation." 67 The Qur'an mentions Jerusalem. So complete is the identification of the Night Journey with Jerusalem that it is found in many publications of the Qur'an, and especially in translations. Some state in a footnote that the "furthest mosque" "must" refer to Jerusalem. 68 Others take the (blasphemous?) step of inserting Jerusalem right into the text after "furthest mosque." This is done in a variety of ways. The Sale translation 69 uses italics: from the sacred temple of Mecca to the farther temple of Jerusalem the Asad translation 70 relies on square brackets: from the Inviolable House of Worship [at Mecca] to the Remote House of Worship [at Jerusalem] and the Behbudi-Turner version 71 places it right in the text without any distinction at all: from the Holy Mosque in Mecca to the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Palestine. If the Qur'an in translation now has Jerusalem in its text, it cannot be surprising to find that those who rely on those translations believe that Jerusalem "is mentioned in the Qur'an"; and this is precisely what a consortium of American Muslim institutions claimed in One of their number went yet further; according to Hooper, "the Koran refers to Jerusalem by its Islamic centerpiece, al- Aqsa Mosque." 73 This error has practical consequences: for example, Ahmad Abd ar- Rahman, secretary-general of the PA "cabinet," rested his claim to Palestinian sovereignty on this basis: "Jerusalem is above tampering, it is inviolable, and nobody can tamper with it since it is a Qur'anic text." 74 Muhammad actually visited Jerusalem. The Islamic biography of the Prophet Muhammad's life is very complete and it very clearly does not mention his leaving the Arabian Peninsula, much less voyaging to Jerusalem. Therefore, when Karen Armstrong, a specialist on Islam, writes that "Muslim texts make it clear that the story of Muhammad's mystical Night Journey to Jerusalem was not a physical experience but a visionary one," she is merely stating the obvious. Indeed, this phrase is contained in an article titled, "Islam's Stake: Why Jerusalem Was Central to Muhammad" which posits that "Jerusalem was central to the spiritual identity of Muslims from the very beginning of their faith." 75 Not good enough. Armstrong found herself under attack for a "shameless misrepresentation" of Islam and claiming that "Muslims themselves do not believe the miracle of their own prophet." 76 Jerusalem has no importance to Jews. The first step is to deny a Jewish connection to the Western (or Wailing) Wall, the only portion of the ancient Temple that still stands. In 1967, a top Islamic official of the Temple Mount portrayed Jewish attachment to the wall as an act of "aggression against al-aqsa mosque." 77 The late King Faysal of Saudi Arabia spoke on this subject with undisguised scorn: "The Wailing Wall is a structure they weep against, and they have no historic right to it. Another wall can be built for them to weep against." 78 Abd al-malik Dahamsha, a Muslim member of Israel's parliament, has flatly

18 stated that "the Western Wall is not associated with the remains of the Jewish Temple." 79 The Palestinian Authority's website states about the Western Wall that "Some Orthodox religious Jews consider it as a holy place for them, and claim that the wall is part of their temple which all historic studies and archeological excavations have failed to find any proof for such a claim." 80 The PA's mufti describes the Western Wall as "just a fence belonging to the Muslim holy site" and declares that "There is not a single stone in the Wailing- Wall relating to Jewish history." 81 He also makes light of the Jewish connection, dismissively telling an Israeli interviewer, "I heard that your Temple was in Nablus or perhaps Bethlehem." 82 Likewise, Arafat announced that Jews "consider Hebron to be holier than Jerusalem." 83 There has even been some scholarship, from Ayn Shams University in Egypt, alleging to show that Al-Aqsa Mosque predates the Jewish antiquities in Jerusalem by no less than two thousand years. 84 In this spirit, Muslim institutions pressure the Western media to call the Temple Mount and the Western Wall by their Islamic names (Al-Haram ash-sharif, Al-Buraq), and not their much older Jewish names. (Al-Haram ash-sharif, for example, dates only from the Ottoman era.) When Western journalists do not comply, Arafat responds with outrage, with his news agency portraying this as part of a "constant conspiracy against our sanctities in Palestine" and his mufti deeming this contrary to Islamic law. 85 The second step is to deny Jews access to the wall. "It's prohibited for Jews to pray at the Western Wall," asserts an Islamist leader living in Israel. 86 The director of the Al-Aqsa Mosque asserts that "This is a place for Muslims, only Muslims. There is no temple here, only Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock." 87 The Voice of Palestine radio station demands that Israeli politicians not be allowed even to touch the wall. 88 Ikrima Sabri, the Palestinian Authority's mufti, prohibits Jews from making repairs to the wall and extends Islamic claims further: "All the buildings surrounding the Al-Aqsa mosque are an Islamic waqf." 89 The third step is to reject any form of Jewish control in Jerusalem, as Arafat did in mid-2000: "I will not agree to any Israeli sovereign presence in Jerusalem." 90 He was echoed by Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdullah, who stated that "There is nothing to negotiate about and compromise on when it comes to Jerusalem." 91 Even Oman's Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah told the Israeli prime minister that sovereignty in Jerusalem should be exclusively Palestinian "to ensure security and stability." 92 The final step is to deny Jews access to Jerusalem at all. Toward this end, a body of literature blossoms that insists on an exclusive Islamic claim to all of Jerusalem. 93 School textbooks allude to the city's role in Christianity and Islam, but ignore Judaism. An American affiliate of Hamas claims Jerusalem as "an Arab, Palestinian and Islamic holy city." 94 A banner carried in a street protest puts it succinctly: "Jerusalem is Arab." 95 No place for Jews here. Anti-Jerusalem Views This Muslim love of Zion notwithstanding, Islam contains a recessive but persistent strain of anti- Jerusalem sentiment, premised on the idea that emphasizing Jerusalem is non-islamic and can undermine the special sanctity of Mecca. In the early period of Islam, the Princeton historian Bernard Lewis notes, "there was strong resistance among many theologians and jurists" to the notion of Jerusalem as a holy city. They viewed this as a "Judaizing error as one more among many attempts by Jewish converts to infiltrate Jewish ideas into Islam." 96 Anti-Jerusalem stalwarts circulated stories to show that the idea of Jerusalem's holiness is a Jewish practice. In the most important of them, a converted Jew named, Ka b al-ahbar, suggested to Caliph Umar that Al- Aqsa Mosque be built by the Dome of the Rock. The caliph responded by accusing him of reversion to his Jewish roots: Umar asked him: "Where do you think we should put the place of prayer?" "By the [Temple Mount] rock," answered Ka b. By God, Ka b," said Umar, "you are following after Judaism. I saw you take off your sandals [following Jewish practice]." "I wanted to feel the touch of it with my bare feet," said Ka b. "I saw you," said Umar. "But no Go along! We were not commanded concerning the Rock, but we were commanded concerning the Ka ba [in Mecca]." 97 Another version of this anecdote makes the Jewish content even more explicit: "in this one, Ka b al- Ahbar tries to induce Caliph Umar to pray north of the Holy Rock, pointing out the advantage of this: "Then the entire Al-Quds, that is, Al-Masjid al-haram will be before you." 98 In other words, the convert from Judaism is saying, the Rock and Mecca will be in a straight line and Muslims can pray toward both of them at the same time. That Muslims for almost a year and a half during Muhammad's lifetime directed prayers toward Jerusalem has had a permanently contradictory effect on that city's standing in Islam. The incident

19 partially imbued Jerusalem with prestige and sanctity, but it also made the city a place uniquely rejected by God. Some early hadiths have Muslims expressing this rejection by purposefully praying with their back sides to Jerusalem, 99 a custom that still survives in vestigial form; he who prays in Al- Aqsa Mosque not coincidentally turns his back precisely to the Temple area toward which Jews pray. Or, in Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's sharp formulation: when a Muslim prays in Al-Aqsa, "his back is to it. Also some of his lower parts." 100 Ibn Taymiya ( ), one of Islam's strictest and most influential religious thinkers, is perhaps the outstanding spokesman of the anti-jerusalem view. In his wide-ranging attempt to purify Islam of accretions and impieties, he dismissed the sacredness of Jerusalem as a notion deriving from Jews and Christians, and also from the long-ago Umayyad rivalry with Mecca. Ibn Taymiya's student, Ibn Qayyim al-jawziya ( ), went further and rejected hadiths about Jerusalem as false. More broadly, learned Muslims living after the Crusades knew that the great publicity given to hadiths extolling Jerusalem's sanctity resulted from the Countercrusade from political exigency, that is and therefore treated them warily. There are other signs too of Jerusalem's relatively low standing in the ladder of sanctity: a historian of art finds that, "in contrast to representations of Mecca, Medina, and the Ka ba, depictions of Jerusalem are scanty." 101 The belief that the Last Judgment would take place in Jerusalem was said by some medieval authors to be a forgery to induce Muslims to visit the city. Modern writers sometimes take exception to the envelope of piety that has surrounded Jerusalem. Muhammad Abu Zayd wrote a book in Egypt in 1930 that was so radical that it was withdrawn from circulation and is no longer even extant. In it, among many other points, he dismissed the notion of the Prophet's heavenly journey via Jerusalem, claiming that the Qur'anic rendition actually refers to his Hijra from Mecca to Madina; "the more remote mosque" (al-masjid alaqsa) thus had nothing to do with Jerusalem, but was in fact the mosque in Madina. 102 That this viewpoint is banned shows the nearly complete victory in Islam of the pro-jerusalem viewpoint. Still, an occasional expression still filters through. At a summit meeting of Arab leaders in March 2001, Mu ammar al-qadhdhafi made fun of his colleagues' obsession with Al- Aqsa Mosque. "The hell with it," delegates quoted him saying, "you solve it or you don't, it's just a mosque and I can pray anywhere." 103 Conclusion Politics, not religious sensibility, has fueled the Muslim attachment to Jerusalem for nearly fourteen centuries; what the historian Bernard Wasserstein has written about the growth of Muslim feeling in the course of the Countercrusade applies through the centuries: "often in the history of Jerusalem, heightened religious fervour may be explained in large part by political necessity." 104 This pattern has three main implications. First, Jerusalem will never be more than a secondary city for Muslims; "belief in the sanctity of Jerusalem," Sivan rightly concludes, "cannot be said to have been widely diffused nor deeply rooted in Islam." 105 Second, the Muslim interest lies not so much in controlling Jerusalem as it does in denying control over the city to anyone else. Third, the Islamic connection to the city is weaker than the Jewish one because it arises as much from transitory and mundane considerations as from the immutable claims of faith. Mecca, by contrast, is the eternal city of Islam, the place from which non-muslims are strictly forbidden. Very roughly speaking, what Jerusalem is to Jews, Mecca is to Muslims a point made in the Qur'an itself (2:145) in recognizing that Muslims have one qibla and "the people of the Book" another one. The parallel was noted by medieval Muslims; the geographer Yaqut ( ) wrote, for example, that "Mecca is holy to Muslims and Jerusalem to the Jews." 106 In modern times, some scholars have come to the same conclusion: "Jerusalem plays for the Jewish people the same role that Mecca has for Muslims," writes Abdul Hadi Palazzi, director of the Cultural Institute of the Italian Islamic Community. 107 The similarities are striking. Jews pray thrice to Jerusalem, Muslims five times daily to Mecca. Muslims see Mecca as the navel of the world, just as Jews see Jerusalem. Whereas Jews believe Abraham nearly sacrificed Ishmael's brother Isaac in Jerusalem, Muslims believe this episode took place in Mecca. The Ka ba in Mecca has similar functions for Muslims as the Temple in Jerusalem for Jews (such as serving as a destination for pilgrimage). The Temple and Ka ba are both said to be inimitable structures. The supplicant takes off his shoes and goes barefoot in both their precincts. Solomon's Temple was inaugurated on Yom Kippur, the tenth day of the year, and the Ka ba receives its new cover also on the tenth day of each year. 108 If Jerusalem is for Jews a place so holy that not just its soil but even its air is deemed sacred, Mecca is the place whose "very mention reverberates awe in Muslims' hearts," according to Abad Ahmad of the Islamic Society of Central Jersey. 109

20 This parallelism of Mecca and Jerusalem offers the basis of a solution, as Sheikh Palazzi wisely writes: separation in directions of prayer is a mean to decrease possible rivalries in management of Holy Places. For those who receive from Allah the gift of equilibrium and the attitude to reconciliation, it should not be difficult to conclude that, as no one is willing to deny Muslims a complete sovereignty over Mecca, from an Islamic point of view - notwithstanding opposite, groundless propagandistic claims - there is not any sound theological reason to deny an equal right of Jews over Jerusalem. 110 To back up this view, Palazzi notes several striking and oft-neglected passages in the Qur'an. One of them (5:22-23) quotes Moses instructing the Jews to "enter the Holy Land (al-ard al-muqaddisa) which God has assigned unto you." Another verse (17:104) has God Himself making the same point: "We said to the Children of Israel: Dwell securely in the Land.'" Qur'an 2:145 states that the Jews "would not follow your qibla; nor are you going to follow their qibla," indicating a recognition of the Temple Mount as the Jews' direction of prayer. "God himself is saying that Jerusalem is as important to Jews as Mecca is to Moslems," 111 Palazzi concludes. His analysis has a clear and sensible implication: just as Muslims rule an undivided Mecca, Jews should rule an undivided Jerusalem. Daniel Pipes is editor of the Middle East Quarterly

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25 Chanut EDEN Butik EDEN presenterar Pris SEK 150 Fredsbrevmärke 1 A, (1B engelska) 10 st självhäftande Pris SEK 50 Fredsbrevmärke 2 B 10 st självhäftande Pris SEK 50 Självtest och Tävling Frågebroschyr med 9 Frågor om Israel. De rätta svaren på baksidan. Avsedd att användas på gatan 10 ex. i detta paket Beställningar: Tel Sigvard Aronsohn Herrestadsgatan 9 A MALMÖ se vår hemsida HUwww.jewish-eden.seUH Pris Peace Pac Israel 1 SEK 360 Av detta pris går SEK 60 till Israel, fördelat till MAGEN DAVID ADOM KEREN KAJEMET FÖRENADE ISRAELINSAMLINGEN /KHY Använd dessa fredsprodukter i dina kontakter på arbetet och fritiden för att diskutera och öka stödet för Israel

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28 HUwww.jewish-eden.seUH EDEN Judisk-skandinavisk Kultur & Sällskapsklubb, för alla Idéell förening sedan mer än 10 år. c/o Sigvard Aronsohn 01BHerrestadsgatan 9A, SE MALMÖ 1BSverige/Sweden Tel +46(0) B UH Vill du ha mer av judisk och israelisk kultur i Malmö?! I København, i Göteborg?! Ditt bidrag ex. 3,50 kronor om dagen! Med EDEN kan alla vara med om att skapa program som ger: Judiska nöjen Judisk gemenskap Aktiva judisk/ israeliska kultur-upplevelser och Aktivt stöd för Israel! Det stora problemet är kapital! Finansiering av ex. Israelers resa och uppehälle + gage. Vi vill alla träffa fler kulturpersoner som t.ex. Författare Filmskapare Musiker Sångare och förstås intressanta politiker, debattörer från Israel, övriga Europa och USA. Min fråga till dig är om du kan bli kultursponsor och ge 100 kronor i månaden till denna Kulturkassa EDEN?! Målet är kronor i Kultur-kassan och helst fortsatta bidrag! 90 % av ditt bidrag går till sådana kulturprojekt och turnéer i Skandinavien, 10 % kommer tillbaka till dig som biljetter till dessa kulturprogram. Då får vi samtidigt en större publik. För att du skall kunna följa Kultur-kassans utveckling kommer vi att lägga ut info på vår hemsida HUwww.jewish-eden.seUH under knappen < Anslagstavlan >. Vi behöver dig också som medlem i EDEN, medlemsavgiften är 200 kronor för 6 månader för hela familjen. Vårt Plusgiro konto nr. är och har namnet adam V chava. Se våra medlemsförmåner i den bifogade broschyren! Gör en insats för judisk / israelisk kultur och gör samtidigt livet mer spännande för dig och din familj! Gör Kultur-kassan EDEN till en lyckad kultursatsning! Vi bifogar ett inbetalningskort. Med autogiro genom din bank får du en enkel sponsring. Med EDEN-hälsningar Ring mig gärna på EDEN Tel. nr Sigvard `Sigge` Aronsohn Ordförande judisk kulturarbetare

29 Mail: Se vår hemsida Version EDEN och adam V chava nöjesguide Maj 2010 / 5770 Övernattning fixas för 100 kr./natt med frukost, genom EDEN Bed & Breakfast Service, Tel. +46 (0) Sigge Nöjes och program-info som inte finns i denna guide, får medlemmar per tel. Ring! Program kan sändas till dig som inte är medlem om du skickar 6 inrikesfrimärken à 6,00 per utskick. En jødisk stjerne på Københavns kulturhimmel: Salon SCHMUUS jødisk kultur og hygge Store Kongensgade 36, Café Den Blå Time. Se program Ang. program i Lund se Program i Gbg KAFÉ CHOLEM, Klezmermusik-judisk poesi-litteratur skämt och allvar+något att äta, Göteborg. Kontakt: Tom Shulevitz, Judiska Församlingen i Gbg. Fri entré, program o datum Församl.Exp. Juni: EDEN-Party i Israel: Kibutz Ein Hashofet på Karmel. Närmare detaljer till de som anmäler sig. Föranmälan senast 10:e juni till Tel: OBS! Jag reser till Israel den 12 juni! SMS kan skickas till Söndag 13/6 kl. 12:40 Juli Lördag 24/7 kl Singelklubben i Köpenhamn: Segeltur på Lyngby sjö samt besök på Sophienholm Slott. Ta med egen mat (kosher). Lunch äter vi ute i naturen. Kaffe och andra dryckesvaror kan köpas på Sophienholm. Pris för segeltur ut och hem igen: DKK 70, som betalas på plats. Anmälan senast fredagen den 11:e juni till: mob.tel: (+45) eller mob.tel: (+45) EDEN Party i Malmö: Intresseanmälan senast 12:e juli. Program till de som anmält sig. Augusti Söndag 22/8 Malmö-festivalen med EDEN. Program kommer! Söndag 29/8 EDEN Øresund Israel-Träff. Debattprogram nr. 12. Programinfo EITAN i København Mail: se SÄND PROGRAM OM DU ELLER DIN FÖRENING/FÖRSAMLING VILL SYNAS HÄR! BLI MEDLEM I EDEN ger dig många fördelar! BO BILLIGT I SKANDINAVIEN, EDEN B&B Service! Gäller medlemmar! Inbetaln.fra Danmark til DANSKE-BANK: Modtagarnavn adam V chava kontonr Medlemsavgift EDEN SEK/DKK 200 per familj och halvår till Pg konto adam V chava EDEN-Judisk skandinavisk Kultur & Sällskapsklubb, för alla. Tel adam V`chava-Judisk Skandinavisk Kultur & Vänskapsklubb, för singlar Singlar väljer atid- Judisk skandinavisk Ungdomsklubb. Medlemsavgift adam V chava o atid är SEK/DKK 150 för helår aol.com Plusgiro kontonr Gäller inbetalning för EDEN också.

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32 Guldmynt till salu! Bhutan Elephant Coin Vikt: 31.1 gram 24 karat Guld Utförande: Proof=Högsta kvalitet Nr. 688 av Pris USD Inkl. frakt o försäkring Ring Annonsera i våra Nyhetsbrev! Det är ett stöd för vårt judiska framtidsarbete i Skandinavien! Priser: Helsida SEK / DKK ½ A-4 sida SEK / DKK ¼ A-4 sida SEK/DKK /8 ( denna annons) 500 Färg/Farvetillägg: SEK / DKK INTERNET-Annons SEK/DKK vanlig annons Köp Postcard Jerusalem 5-pack SEK/DKK 100. Med bidrag till Israel 24 kronor till KEREN KAJEMET MAGEN DAVID ADOM KEREN HAYESOD / FÖRENADE ISRAELINSAML. EDEN Tel el. Mail: Medlemsförmåner EDEN och adam V chava 2010: % rabatt på Peace Cup Israel, pris %. Rabatt på Peace Pac Israel 1! 3. Rabatt 10 % vid köp av 3 st Magnetic Peace Badge Israel, kr 35 per st kr. rabatt vid köp av 60 Fredsbrevmärken Israel, Pris kr 240 normalt % rabatt på entréavgift, ett valfritt progr. EDEN. Gäller för 2 personer % på övriga produkter från Chanut EDEN 7. 10% rabatt på Singelringen adam V chava Pris 300 inkl. 1 års medlemsavgift % rabatt på anmälningsavgiften Promenadtävlingen Gå för Israel HANDLA MED VÅRA ANNONSÖRER DET TJÄNAR DU PÅ!

33 Gaza-konvojen: uttalande av Premiärminister Netanyahu 1 juni 2010 Igår kväll inträffade en beklagansvärd händelse när människor dödades och andra skadades. IDF:s soldater som var tvungna att försvara sig skadades också. Denna händelse var resultatet av en internationell provokation av styrkor som stöds av Iran och dess terroristenklav, Hamas på Gazaremsan. Hamas har avfyrat tusentals missiler mot Staten Israel och samlar på sig tusentals fler. Detta är ett tydligt fall av självförsvar. Israel kan inte tillåta ett fritt flöde av vapen, av raketer och missiler till Hamas terroristbaser i Gaza. Det är en terroristbas som stöds av Iran och har redan avfyrat tusentals raketer mot israeliska städer; de försöker smuggla in tusentals fler och det är därför Israel måste inspektera lasten som kommer till Gaza. Det är också ett tydligt fall av självförsvar eftersom våra soldater när de inspekterade dessa skepp, attackerades och nästan lynchades. De attackerades med klubbor, med knivar, kanske besköts de också och de var tvungna att försvara sig de höll på att bli dödade. Israel kunde inte låta sina soldater bli lynchade vilket inget annat land med självrespekt heller skulle göra. Vår politik är enkel. Vi säger; all last, all humanitär hjälp till Gaza kan föras in. Vad vi vill förhindra är möjligheten att föra in krigsmaterial missiler, raketer, och vad som krävs för att tillverka höljet för missiler och raketer. Detta har varit vår politik och igår sade vi till konvojen vilket inte enbart var en oskyldig flotta att föra in sin last till Ashdod. Vi sade till dem att vi skulle undersöka deras last och tillåta den last som inte skulle användas som vapen eller annat material för Hamas i Gaza. Fem av de sex skeppen accepterade dessa villkor utan våld. Tydligen hade det sjätte skeppet, det största, som hade mer än hundratals människor ombord en i förväg planerad plan att skada IDF:s soldater. När den första soldaten släpptes ner på skeppets däck, attackerades de av en våldsamling samling och tvingades att försvara sina liv. Det var då denna beklagansvärda händelse ägde rum. Vi har en enkel politik som kommer att fortsätta. Vi har inget otalt med invånarna i Gaza. Vi är intresserade av att tillåta dem att fortsätta sina rutiner. Vi vill förhindra en humanitär kris i Gaza men vi slåss mot Hamas som hotar Israels invånare och avfyrar missiler mot israeliska städer. Det är vår plikt att försvara Israels invånare, försvara Israels städer och försäkra oss om Staten Israels säkerhet och det kommer vi att fortsätta göra. >>>YouTube: Israeliska soldater blir attackerade när de bordar Mavi Marmara >>>YouTube: Vapen som man funnit ombord på Mavi Marmara Evelyn Gottlieb Informations- & PR-avd./Information & PR Dept. ISRAELS AMBASSAD - EMBASSY OF ISRAEL Storgatan 31 - Box STOCKHOLM Tel: 46+(0)

34 Ten top Israeli business ventures that inspire peace in the Middle East By Karin Kloosterman February 28, 2010 Peace in the Middle East may seem elusive, but Jews and Arabs across Israel are working hard to create bridges though business. ISRAEL21c brings you a list of Israel's top ten coexistence business ventures. Making peace in the Middle East will never be an easy task, but what many people don't realize is that even in the midst of conflict, there are thousands upon thousands of Israeli people working dedicatedly for coexistence and the promise of a better life. Some of the most effective of these peace projects are those based on business. Peace through prosperity is not a new concept, but as Yoav Stern, director of the Business and Economics Department at the Peres Center for Peace, admits, projects like these help building confidence. It's a "win-win-win game," says Stern, who helped ISRAEL21c compile this top 10 list. "I think that what's unique in these kind of businesses is the fact that the interests are clear for all sides. In order to have a sound business project you must identify the interests of all sides, not just the Israelis not just Palestinians. "They are very good ideas when you want to build confidence measures," he adds. "The business community is a very good engine for the peace train and without its commitment and involvement peace will not come," he asserts. 1. Tefen Park Stef Wertheimer, one of the richest individuals in the country, has a vision that economic prosperity will spark peace for all people in Israel and the region. To that end, he has created Tefen, an industrial park in the Galilee region that boasts high-quality schools and spurs business ventures and creativity for industry. At Tefen Jews, Arabs and Druze work side by side as they realize their common goals. Built in 1982, it is one of four industrial parks created by Wertheimer that bring in a combined $1 billion in revenue, proving that co-existence can be a powerful business model. "When people work together, they have no time for nonsense," Wertheimer has said. "They're too tired at night to commit terrorist acts. They're satisfied, they engage in producing. They work together, not against each other."

35 2. Babcom Want to outsource your call and customer service centers? Want to fuel a little Middle East peace? Instead of working with India, consider the services of Babcom. Based in the Galilee region, Babcom hires a significant number of Israeli Arabs and trains them as call center managers who work for both local and international companies. Functioning as a strategic partner, Babcom provides a cost-effective service for companies worldwide. Co-founded in 2008 by Imad Telhami and Delta's Dov Lautman, Babcom was set up to meet its customers' long-term goals and to provide customer call services in Hebrew, Arabic, English and Russian. The company works with large cellular providers in Israel. 3. MME New Diesel Biofuel Initiated by the Peres Center for Peace, MME New Diesel, a new Jordanian-Israeli company, is using German-made technology to create biofuel from biomass waste. Biomass waste is quite a problem in the region, with excessive amounts of agriculture-based organic matter building up in Jordan, Israel and within the Palestinian Authority. This new company plans on repurposing it into biofuel and squeezing out a little peace at the same time. The new pilot facility will be built in Israel's Arava Desert where it can strategically serve all three communities. 4. A NATO grant for a salt-free water bridge Israel and Jordan share environmental problems, but regional politics and prejudices often prevent them from solving them together. A new North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) grant set up to develop two inland water desalination plants - one in Israel and one in Jordan - not only gets two Middle East universities collaborating, but the end-product could help to quench the region's thirst. It could also boost an under-used new technology that promises to save both water and energy the world over.

36 5. The Israel-Palestinian Chamber of Commerce Members of the new Israel-Palestinian Chamber of Commerce certainly hope to make peace through business. It might seem like a head scratcher, but even in times of extreme conflict, as recently as last year, Israel and the Palestinian Authority maintain an active trade relationship. The chamber plans to grow new business ventures even further. Consider some facts: Of NIS 15 billion (about $4 billion) worth of sales of products and services in 2008, about NIS 13 billion was to the West Bank, while an estimated NIS 2 billion went to the Gaza Strip. 6. G.ho.st Don't be afraid: Peace has more than a ghost of chance, with new business projects like G.ho.st, or Global Hosted Operating System (pronounced "ghost"). G.ho.st is run by Israelis and Palestinians who provide organizations and other users with a virtual operating system. The company has received a lot of international press coverage, both due to its technology and the fact that it's the only true Israeli-Palestinian startup. It was also the first company in the Palestinian Territories to offer its employees stock options. 7. Tsofen After achieving successful careers in high-tech, entrepreneurs founded Tsofen, a non-profit organization to help Israel's Arab citizens enjoy the same benefits as Israeli Jews. Three partners share the vision of helping Israel's qualified Arab engineers in Nazareth find gainful work in the hightech industry. The long-term goal is to strengthen Israeli society from within. "We are located in Nazareth and our facilities enable industry to come to Nazareth and help Arab academics come close to the high-tech industry. It's not technical training that we give, but more cultural and hands on," says Smadar Nehab, one of the founders.

37 8. New Generation Technology The New Generation Technology (NGT) business incubator is situated close to the new road that links Nazareth to the country's business hub in the center of Israel. The idea is to accelerate technologies in both the Jewish and Arab sectors, with a focus on life sciences. Success stories include D-Herb, a herbal formulation to counter diabetes, and Nutrinia, an infant formula developed with the same natural bioactive proteins that are usually found only in mother's milk. Says founder Davidi Gilo: "There are many Israeli initiatives that open factories and do different things with Arabs - but basically the Jews are the employers and the Arabs the employees. NGT is the only project in Israel that is a pure, true partnership between Jewish and Arab businessmen in Israel. We're all board members, and we've all invested the same amount of money." 9. The Center for Jewish Arab Development The Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development (CJAED) is a non-profit organization established in 1988 by a group of Jewish and Arab businesspeople. Today, the group spearheads a large number of projects falling within four units: The Business Unit; the Women's Unit; the Joint Jewish-Arab Employment Zone Unit; and the Higher Education Leadership Programs Unit. The guiding vision of the CJAED is that Jewish-Arab economic cooperation within Israel is an essential ingredient if peace, prosperity and economic stability are to be achieved locally and in the Middle East as a whole. 10. Asal Technologies Rather than outsource your computer coding and programming to India and China, why not try the Palestinian Authority? Asal Technologies aims to supply gainful employment to Palestinian engineers who speak the same "language" as their Israeli neighbors. Each year there are about 3,000 Palestinian graduates in computer sciences, but few find jobs. Already working with large multinational companies based in Israel, Asal is providing solutions that Israeli teams can trust, with value and a product delivered in the same time zone. "We realized that instead of fighting each other and throwing bombs we needed to work together," says Jonathan Levy, a general manager for the Israel-based chip manufacturer Winbond, who is one of the idea's founding fathers. "I started thinking that it would be better to hire a Palestinian engineer to develop our less complex products, for reasons related to cost calculations as well as problems of language, culture and deadlines," he explains.

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